it did not, is the whole nation to be facrificed to a part? In fact, however, that part must be benefited by the whole; the capital is as the heart through which the blood must flow.

But unhappily throughout the courfe of public affairs in Ireland, the higheft points of general intereft have been facrificed to particular views. The principles have been partial, and the calculations founded upon the arithmetic of felf. It is furely fufficient, however, if particular views be fuffered to produce particular injuries; but what Machiavel will affert that a whole nation, and all its people,-that a whole empire, and all its fubjects-that all Europe perhaps, nay the globe itself, fhould be delivered to deftruction, for the fake of individuals, whofe defigning ambition has duped fome, or whofe ill founded authority may have imposed upon others? The existence of the whole nation of Ireland, the blood, the fubfiftence of its people, their already indifferent food and worse raiment, are about to be facrificed by fuch fuperabundant zeal. If these men be fo ardent for public good, in God's name, why are the peasantry and mechanics of Ireland fo long fuffered to remain in the fame ftate? Surely, where the complaints have been fo long and fo loud, on the condition of the lower class in Ireland, some safe and radical remedy should be adopted. And fince those complaints have come down, detailed to us by fuch authority as that of Sir John Davies, from the time of Henry II.; as of Swift, from the time of the Revolution; and of Adam Smith, and Dean Tucker in our own times; and fince, whether

C 2

While the total tonnage of Ireland (1797), was

That of London alone was

That even of Newcastle

Tons.

53,181

449,017 128,294

53,181

1,565,651

But while the tonnage of Ireland was, in 1797, but,

That of the Empire was

By this we may estimate the capital that each brings into a joint com

mercial stock if they unite.

1

whether the complaints of the people of Ireland be true or falfe, they have been uniformly the paffage to their paffions, to make them pioneers of Rebellion; were it not wife, on the part of the high and powerful in Ireland, to close this avenue for ever, by the confequences of Union? Were it not wife both for the exaled and the humble, to filence for ever fuch complaints, as that " when Efau came fainting "from the field, and at the point to die, he fold his birth" right for a mess of pottage."-Were it not wife to check too long continued emigrations,* by checking the causes, if real, and by checking the complaints, if artificial, and both by the confequences of an Union?

The zeal of humble induftry, and the fplendor of exalted talents, have paffed from Ireland into foreign lands, to eat even the bread of honeft and independent poverty among an unoppreffed people. We do not fay however that the people of Ireland were oppreffed by the Government. We proteft against the affertion. The barbarous fpirit of feudal times looked down upon the cottage, and looked above the throne; therefore the government was governed, and the fubjects were vaffals. But as commerce enriched, and knowledge enlightened mankind, the lordly yoke of feudal tyranny has been broken throughout Europe, kings freed from flavery, and people from oppreffion. Thus, through commerce, will the barbarous fpirit of feudal power finally depart from Ireland, and the old and corrupt body of civil defeЯs find a fepulchre in the Union.

With its prefent boafted trade, however, the lower claffes of Ireland are poor, as will hereafter be fhewn on parliamentary authority, beyond human condition in other countries:

*The emigrations from Ireland have not ceafed fince Swift's time. In the year 1797, families to the amount of some hundreds paffed over to America.

tries: it is evident, therefore, that the trade is not yet extenfive enough to reach the poor. And as that boasted trade may perish at the nod of Britain, the question is, Will the Irish reject at once, not only fecurity for that trade, and the means of its unbounded extenfion through English capital, fkill, and commerce; but all the incalculable benefits of an UNION upon the WHOLE BODY of the Irish nation?

It is this Union that will bring comforts to the people, and convert the bogs of Ireland into fmiling corn fields and meadows; that will clothe her naked mountains with woods; dig her mines, and explore her treasures; cut her canals to convey them to the ocean; pour forth abundance from her now half-cultivated fields; and, instead of herds of cattle, raise up numerous and industrious bodies of men. Thus, as remarked by the able and eloquent Bishop of Landaff, Ireland will be enriched, and England not impoverished, but the empire be increased in opulence and strength. Sixty millions of acres, fo fertile by nature, if improved by art, will maintain much more than thirty millions of men: out of these thirty millions, five millions may bear arms; and out of these five millions, one million may be always in arms without prejudice to agriculture or commerce, to protect the other twenty-nine millions in peace and industry. With fuch a body of united Britons, with the commerce refulting from this Union, with a navy thus fupported, with riches and resources thus fecured, with fuch ftrength from Nature and from Union, we may bid defiance to the world. Then we may look down in calm and fupreme dignity upon the little difputes and wars of Continental Princes, wholly uninterested in their artificial balance of power. Our confederacy will be then at home-in Union: our balance of power will be then-the population, the riches, the refources of Great and United Britain. God and Nature have befriended us much; and, unless we be enemies to our

felves,

felves, we may be the happiest and strongest empire in the world-INVINCIBLE.

At a moment, then, when a defolating fiend ftalks over the earth, ravaging all ftates and conditions, fhould we not unite against this monster? It has however been gravely advanced in Ireland, that connexion with Britain is an advantage, but Union deftruction. If British connexion be an advantage, Union, which is but closer and stronger connexion, must be clofer and stronger advantage: unlefs Britain be confidered as a phyfical body in flames, whose warmth is genial at a diftance, but which burns by contact, and confumes by Union. Is this however the cafe? Ireland is in truth, as was eloquently defcribed by the able Prelate whom we have jaft quoted, a graff, which has juft grown up and flourished on the British stock: feparate it, and it will neither ftrike root downwards nor bear fruit upwards, but will wither under the fhadow of the British oak, or be poisoned by the peftilential vapours of the tree of liberty.-Unite it then with Britain, and it will become a found and vigorous limb of the empire; unite it with France, and it will become a poor fhrivelled excrefcence, which will be cut off as caprice or convenience points out.

CIVIL STATE.

This point of national Policy may be confidered in two views: Firft, with respect to civil, next with refpect to moral economy. Civil economy comprehends the fupport of individuals, and confequently of a State: moral economy regards religion or the manners of a People.

First the fyftem of civil œconomy which regulates the support of the great body of individuals of Ireland, is obvious as to its nature by its confequences. A ftatement was made to the Houfe of Commons of Ireland, and which was before cited, (p. 10 Union or Separation) that "out of three millions, there are two millions one hundred thousand. excufed on account of poverty from paying yearly four-pence each to the State." Where there is fuch perfonal poverty, the ftate muft ever be in danger, through diffatisfaction within, and want of fupport and power without.

Having clearly before us, at this awful period, the nature and confequences of this fyftem, we have been led to confider what is the remedy for this civil condition. Our folemn and deliberate opinion is, that there is no other remedy whatever, but an Incorporate Union.

As to Utopian cups with the waters of forgetfulness, prescribed by fome men, they must have certainly been emptied by themselves. Such men reafon upon topics without remembering these particular and important circumftancés, which totally change the nature of a cafe. And while fome reason too generally, others reafon too particularly; fuch, for inftance, are foreign and domeftic Traders, who look not beyond local or perfonal concerns, and never enter into a combination for the general benefit of national commerce; and, next, Political Traders, who confult only for themfelves, and not for the Public at large.

Hence the crude abfurdities and grofs mifrepresentations, which have been diffufed upon this occafion. They are too numerous for any one man to undertake to expofe them; and they are indeed too glaring to require it. The authors and abetters, however, of all manner of villainy could not have found more zealous dupes or more apt instruments for the projected ruin of mankind in a Nation.-But if it be true, as Swift faid, that " general calamities are allowed to be the great UNITERS of mankind," we have folid ground

for