for hope. The individual and public condition in Ireland, and the general calamity which has defolated Europe and menaced the globe, will upon this reafoning caufe the Em pire to be united, confolidated, and ftrengthened. With respect to Ireland, is it not a glorious and honourable invigoration which refults from private poverty being changed into public opulence, and individual abjection into National elevation? The picture," faid Mr. Dundas, "which I draw of Ireland, is of a gloomy and lamentable aspect; but, in proportion as it is fo, it becomes the duty of every wellwisher to both countries to devife fome remedy by which he may deftroy the hopes of the enemy, and give new life and new vigour to the Sifter Kingdom.". For independent of commercial advantages through increased capital and skill; independent of civil advantages through improved agricul ture and manners; independent of improved industry and condition, and the termination of civil feuds; independent of ail these advantages, the queftion is, as Mr. Pitt ftated it, not what Ireland is to GAIN, but what she is to PRESERVE; not merely how he may beft improve her fituation, but how fhe is to avert a preffing and immediate danger." When the affaffin lifts his knife, the firft act is, Natural, impulfe, for instant safety: the next is, found thought, for future fecurity. Rob nature, however, of this impulse against domeftic traitors in Ireland; ftrip the mind of this thought for fecurity against a rapacious foe, who had declared war against Kings and enflaves all Republics; remove all those loud pleas on the present occafion, and exclufive of such inevitable dangers, if the two countries do not unite, they muft feparate: and ruin follows. Whereas let the two countries unite, and if reafon, founded upon wife experience, have any claim on certainty, it may be maintained as a truth, that a termination of Civil mifery in Ireland will enfue from Union, and a rapid growth of individual opulence augment the ftock of National happiness, common power, power, and imperial ftrength. Thus then the may defpife every foreign danger, and enjoy and pursue her domestic improvement. quisols, eld According to the acknowledged principles of Civil œconomy, it is agreed that, for the advantage of individuals, and confequently of the State, for it is impoffible to sepafate them, each labourer should be enabled to rear four children.-Whatever therefore is the average weekly expense of supplying five individuals with comfortable dress, dwelling, and diet, fhould be the earning of the father of a labouring family. If the weekly expense be valued at two fhillings each, his labour should procure ten; for, the mother's work is computed to be equal to her own fupport. These being the principles univerfally received in the sys tems of Civil œconomy for the good of the individual and of the State, it may fairly be asked, do the fathers of labouring families in Ireland earn ten fhillings each? For we believe no individual can have comfortable drefs, dwelling, and diet, under two fhillings on an average per week. This point we shall not push farther. Without laying open the wound more deeply, we have no doubt but an Union will radically heal it. T The fame ftandard hold goods not only for all places, but all perfons concerned in industry and the arts; marking that due gradation, whereby remunerations and rewards rife with the rank of talents or employment. With respect to Farmers, their portion is accurately afcertained, which is to reward their skill or application. It is two-thirds of the price of the produce of the land: one belongs to those who live by rent, or the proprietors: another third belongs to those who live by wages, or is for ge neral cultivation: and the other third is for those who live by profit and stock, or the farmers. The two laft thirds therefore &c. * Cantillon, Lord Chief Justice Hale, King, Davenant, Adam Smith, therefore are the farmer's portion, for himself, for his labourers, and for his expenses. Such being the principles universally adopted as wife and just, after ages of experience, it may not be unfair to afk, does this fyftem prevail in Ireland? Does the farmer who cultivates a confiderable tract of land, or the cottager who tills a fingle acre or a fingle rood of potatoes, does he receive two thirds of the value of the produce? If the potatoes of the cottager be worth three pounds, is the landlord satisfied with one pound for his rent? If not, he violates the firft principle of Civil œconomy, he is unwife towards the ftate and himself, and he is highly unjuft toward the cottager his tenant. That this fyftem, however, will grow out of the confequences of an Union, there can be no doubt; and that it must be for the advantage not only of the lower order but the upper orders of men we refer to demonstration and experience in Britain and elsewhere. The reason too is obvious. Liberal rewards invite industry industry promotes population: and population and industry increase each other. For as the liberal wages and rewards of industry produce plenty, plenty gives fubfiftence and invites population; and increased population demands increased subfiftence and forces induftry. Thus it is that the wife and juft returns of labour, giving plenty and ftrength, promote industry and population; and, giving animation and a hope of bettering man's condition, rouse the peafant, the farmer, or the manufacturer, to exert his ftrength, or ftretch his talents to the utmost. And then the charge of indolence and indigence is haard no more. However, where there is not much agriculture in a country, little ftock for trade, and a tolerable population, the wages will, through competition, be low, and the people be partly idle, or emigrate. But it must be granted that Ireland is not populous, though its tendency to population is extraordinary and unequalled in Europe. For, when Sir William William Petty wrote his Political Arithmetic, he said «England is five times better peopled than Ireland." Had therefore the progreffion of population been equal in both countries fince that period, fince Ireland contains at this moment above four millions of people, and England is onethird larger, the latter fhould have at least twenty-feven millions and as the population of England falls short of this, in the fame relative proportion has the population of Ireland gained upon that of England. Still, however, Ireland is not populous in proportion to the actual number it may have, but to the numbers it can feed. And what a view might be given here of the natural capacities of Ireland in foil, now neglected; in fisheries, fomewhat known but little heeded; and in pofition on the globe, not to be furpaffed for the great benefits of commerce. It is to draw all these wonderful refources into action, that we anxioufly fupport an Union for that nation poffeffès means of lence, power, and confequence, which have been too long and fhamefully neglected. If men, however, be wife at this moment, the time is not far diftant when internal industry and home trade will change the export of provifions' into that of manufactures. Inftead of dreary folitudes for grazing will be seen smiling corn fields and joyous population; and the Island be transformed into a peaceful granary, or refound with the animated din of manufactures and workfhops. ори There is a great and important truth, which the Merchants, Manufacturers, and Landholders of Ireland should hold conftantly in view-the VALUE of the produce of land or labour can be increased only by population or skill. Population cannot increase without increased funds to fupport it, which is Capital: skill cannot increase without increased funds to reward and apply its difcoveries, which is alfo Capital. Ireland has not that Capital. But Union with Great Britain will give that Capital :-confequently it will give give an increased value to the produce of land and labour; it will give increased agriculture, increased manufactures, increased population, increased commerce. Want of Capital may be one, amidst other material reafons, for the backward ftate of agriculture in Ireland. But this reafon cannot apply to great Proprietors. Experience, however, in all countries fhews that great Proprietors are feldom great improvers. It has been alfo found in Ireland, as well as in that ancient ftate of Europe, to which Ireland bears too much refemblance at this day, that lefs improvement took place under those who occupied the land than under the Proprietors. But leaft of all has improvement ever taken place, while thofe employed were either really, or what is eventually the fame thing, fuppofed themselves to be flaves. A man, who is without all hope or expectation of acquiring property, will labour as little as poffible, provided he can fubfift. He has no intereft beyond his maintenance, and fo far only will he think of labour, Man is always the fame creature under the fame circumftances, and the great caft of Nature is uniform, however different the climate or the time. In antient Italy, the decline of agriculture remarked by Pliny, and in ancient Greece by Ariftotle, and in the West Indies the lash of a flave-driverprove that when man has no interest in his exertions, nor posfibility of civil elevation, and bettering his condition, be will do as little as be can. Now we afk, Are the People of Ireland indolent? If fo: indolence and indigence are unfure cements for a civil fyftem; whereas due rewards conferred upon labour animate industry, produce comfort, and give folid fecurity to a ftate. If the people be happy, they will be virtuous. He, who requires a proof of this, has only to contemplate the state of Great Britain to-day,-of the rest of Europeof Ireland itself!!! But the whole civil condition of Ireland will be improved by the consequences of Union with Great |