Great Britain, both with respect to the fupport of individuals and the ftate; and with refpect to the present caft of national manners, which forms the fecond part to be confidered.

An inquiry into the caufes of the manners of Ireland might afford, if judiciously traced, one of the most novel pictures perhaps ever prefented to the human mind. Such a combination of Brehon* barbarity forced upon their moral habits during ages, by our ill-judging forefathers; fuch a mixture of allodial authority exercifed with tyranny, by the conquering proprietors of lands; fuch a feudal bondage, without the formalities of law, or feelings of Nature-sunk, embittered, and depraved the human heart. After ages of fuch horrid policy, England at length communicated its government and laws to Ireland. But as our ancestors had established themselves by force, the Government of Ireland has ever fince partaken of force. It was an error however, which, though the Government faw, conftituted as it has been, it was unable to correct. Moft unquestionably force was not a remedy for evils which grew out of the civil and religious differences of the country. The true remedy was another fpecies of connexion-it was Union. And that remedy Molyneaux, the great champion of Ireland's rights and liberties, faw, and ardently defired; but despaired of the bleffing. Unhappily this found and radical policy, which might have closed all the wounds of hatred and hoftility, was neglected for a fpecies of quackery, which, in political as well as phyfical disorders, but makes bad worse. Thus through ages the barbarous caft of Irish manners was kept up by oppreffion. In after-times it was

The nature of this code of laws, and its effects upon civil fociety, may be collected from the following hiftorical fact:When Lord Deputy Fitzwilliam told Maguire that he would fend a Sheriff into Fermanagh➡ "Your Sheriff," faid Maguire, " fhall be welcome to me, but let me know his Ericke (or price of his head) before-hand, that if my people cut it off, I may put the Erické upon the country.'

aggravated

aggravated by the addition of civil vices, and the lofs of favage virtues, which refulted from hatred and intermixture with their conquerors. And in nearer periods, their whole mind and manners have been empoifoned by the cunning cant of plausible men, and inflamed by the dark doctrines of traitors, until maddened, brutalized, and made ferocious by the contagious barbarity of the day.

The ftate of Ireland has been truly peculiar in many points. The Proteftants, who were leaft numerous, had the property and power; while the Catholics, who were moft numerous, had neither power nor property. It was deemed neceflary therefore to fupport the Proteftant, left the Catholics fhould get the power, and confequently the property and hence a great oppreffion had arifen in former times. And though it be now removed, a deep-rooted jealoufy has paffed down to this day, and has embodied with it a legion of more corrupt paffions to defolate the hearts and affections of men. Such things cannot go on; there must be an end to thefe diforders, or an end to civil fociety. And against civil death in Ireland we know of no protection that the utmost stretch of human faculties can form, but an incorporative Union. This measure will give in fubstance what both parties defire-namely, security to the Proteftant for his prefent property and future power; and emancipation to the Catholic, or three millions of fubjects, from the fhackles of hideous diftin&tion. Under an incorporative Union, all fufpicious fears of lofing eight-tenths of the property of the ifland must be removed for ever from the breaft of the Proteftant: and all well-grounded hopes of gaining legislative power and civil rights may, and will beyond doubt, be confirmed to the Catholic without dread, and with confiderable advantage. Thus the gall of civil jealoufy will no longer embitter the minds and manners of men, nor the flame of religious animofity kindle up the torch of frantic barbarity. But rebellion, crushed amidst

its expiring crimes, will die after a reign of horrors, which is beyond the reach of record or description. For the first effort of Irish hiftory was a page of traditional rebellions, and it has never ceafed fince to dip its pen in human blood.

But if, notwithstanding all the well-grounded expectations of refcuing men and manners from a gulph of immorality, through the unquestionable refults of an Union on the civil ftate of Ireland, it be asked, who are the advocates, or what authority pleads for this measure? We proudly anfwer, that our fupporters are fome of the moft wife, the moft virtuous, and most revered characters, that have done honour to human nature in different ages and nations. And now we ask, who are the opposers of Union ?One man indeed we see, whom we have been taught to respect, and therefore by his own words we judge him:-" When gentlemen argue on bad ground, even their own arguments often make against them."-(Woodfall's Report of Mr. Fofter's Speech, p. 106.) But are the oppofers of this Union anxious on the fcore of Irifh independence? Molyneux, the advocate of Irish liberty, wifely points to independence for it exifts folely--in Union. Are they defirous to put down the mighty load of fundamental grievances in civilization, ignorance, fuperftition, manners, poverty ? Let them then embrace commerce,-for to commerce, and all its confequent civil bleffings, Sir William Petty, Sir Jofiah Child, Decker, Munn, Adam Smith, Dean Tucker, and all other able political writers and oeconomists, have pointed out the road-through Union.

If, befide the authority of opinion, that of example can have weight in fupport of an Union, we have the full benefit of experience before us in the Union after the Heptarchy, and in the Union of Wales, and Counties Palatine. We have alfo two other examples perhaps more ftriking, because more near to our own times and circumstances. In the reign of Charles II. Carolina, like Ireland on the conqueft,

conqueft, was given up to fome Englishmen, both in pre`perty and jurisdiction. Locke, who was certainly a friend to popular liberty, though by no means a politician, perhaps because a metaphyfical philofopher, was employed to compofe a body of laws for their government. But notwithstanding the code of fuch an advocate for the people, diftinctions, parties, and inteftine commotions arose under this fecondary jurifdiction, as the viceroyal and legislative government of Ireland now is. In order, therefore, to prevent the laft ruinous confequences of these troubles, it was thought advisable to place the country under the immediate care and inspection of the Crown: and the like immediate care and infpection is a dire& confequence of the present Legislative Union. The other example is that of Stotland, whose distractions, divifions, and clanfhip ceafed but with the amelioration of its government under Union, and whereby the industry of the inhabitants was awakened. So rapid and fuccessful has its progress been fince, that English ability, which furpaffed Scottish ability at the period before the Union as twenty-eight to one, now exceeds it only as eight to one.*

Confequently, therefore, if Ireland looks to Political power, to Civil happinefs, and Commercial opulence-her great charter for national and individual independence, as well as diffused riches, is Incorporative Union.

We have seen the confequences of Union in feveral inftances with refpect to the British Empire; let us now recur to a memorable inftance of Difunion in the Roman Empire.

Peculiar circumstances of ftate, and the concealed views of the Sovereign, caufed Auguftus to establish a line of dif union between the great mass of the Roman People. But from this plan flowed the miseries of the state; and it finally occafioned what may be termed different fovereignties in

* See Tables B & C.

one

one empire under Dioclefian. This difunion and divifion produced civil wars, which did not cease till all was again confolidated into one Union, and under one fovereignty. But difunion again took place under Conftantine, when he formed two capitals. "There feemed to be two empires, and in effect there were two," fays the hiftorian; "for they had SEPARATE INTERESTS, and were therefore no longer parts of ONE WHOLE." Thus the empire languished by degrees, funk into nothing, and died of DISUNION. All things, continues the hiftorian, had united for the grandeur of the Romans, and they re-united for its fall: religious difputes, and civil wars, and corruption of manners, and a lefs of the love of public good, and the defects of government, and the multitude of enemies. Does not this picture of aifunion-this feparation of interefts, thefe, religious difputes, these civil wars, these corrupt manners, the practical defects of Irish government, and the multitude of enemies, exist in our cafe? God grant that the like confcquences may not follow. We have indeed but one refource, one fure mode of preventing like effects; it is obviously-by diffolving like causes of deftruation.

On a review of the Political, Commercial, and Civil ftate of Ireland, we perceive that the nature of its Imperial connexion is fuch, that all the art and policy of mankind have not been able to correct its vices, but have introduced new mischiefs and aggravated, the old. The whole fystem has been an attempt to force nature into a compliance with prejudice, by little artificial regulations, and to overturn the great principles of policy and truth by a system of obvious, and now of experienced folly. Hence the horrid picture which the page of Irish history prefents, ftained with blood, and blotted by rebellions. Yet fome men were lulled into a momentary dream; others too were awake in the vigil of power; but all were in a state of political fubjection, and without independence. Had there been independ