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followers and vaffalages, and put on an equal footing with their own very vassals." But, remarked Mr. Dundas* on this paffage with a wifdom at once honourable to his head and heart" if the Union has broken afunder the BONDS of feudal vaffalage, wife and virtuous men will not be difpofed to confider this as an evil confequence." And on another prophecy of his Lordship's, Mr. Dundas obferves, with a fentiment of found policy-" Now I Do fee the mere ploughman enjoying TREBLE WAGES and TREBLE COMFORTS, while the farmer reaps fuch profits as enable him to live almost upon an equal footing, in every point of focial enjoyment, with even the hereditary landed gentleman, the poffeffor of the foil itself.”

"If it be true," (fays Mr. Dundas in another paffage)" << as generally acknowledged, that the POOR of Ireland experience all the miferies concomitant to a state of wretchednefs-that liberty which awakened the commercial enterprize of Scotland-that liberty which expanded its genius in the moft honourable pursuits-that liberty which confirmed every sentiment which can dignify human nature, will, I am fure, have the same happy influence on the people of Ireland, connected with us by the dearest reciprocal obliga tions."

"If it be true," (fays Mr. Pitt alfo)" that this meafure has an inevitable tendency to admit the introduction of that British capital which is moft likely to give life to all the operations of COMMERCE, and to all the improvements of AGRICULTURE; if it be that which above all other confide→ rations is most likely to give SECURITY, QUIET, and internal REPOSE to Ireland: if it is likely to remove the chief bar to the internal advancement of WEALTH and CIVILIZATION, by a more intimate intercourfe with England; if it is more likely to communicate from hence those habits which diftinguish this country, and which, by a continued grada

*See Speech on the Union.

tion unite the HIGHEST and the LOWEST orders of the com

munity WITHOUT a CHASM in any part of the system; if it is not only likely to invite (as I have already faid) English capital to fet COMMERCE in MOTION, but to offer it the use of NEW MARKETS, to open fresh refources of WEALTH and INDUSTRY; can wealth, can industry, can civilization increase among the whole bulk of the people, without much more than counterbalancing the partial effect of a removal of the few individuals, who for a small part of the year would follow the feat of legiflation? If, notwithftanding the abfence of parliament from Dublin, it would ftill remain the centre of education, and of the internal commerce of a country increafing in improvement; if it would ftill remain the feat of legal difcuffion, which must always increafe with an increase of property and occupation; will it be supposed, with a view even to the interests of those whofe partial interests have been moft fuccessfully appealed to; with a view either to the refpe&table body of the bar, to the merchant, or shopkeeper of Dublin, that they would not find their proportionate share of advantage in the general advantage of the ftate? Let it be remembered alfo, that if the transfer of the feat of legislature may call from Ireland to England the MEMBERS of the united parliament; yet, after the Union, property, influence, and confideration in Ireland will lead, as much as in Great Britain, to all the objects of imperial ambition: and there muft confequently exift a NEW INCITEMENT to perfons, to acquire property in that country, and to those who poffefs it, to refide there, and to cultivate the good opinion of those with whom they live, and to extend and improve their influence and connexions."

"But we can on this question refer to experience. Look at the metropolis of Scotland: the population of Edinburgh has been more than doubled fince the Union, has increased in the proportion of between five and fix to one: look at its progress in manufactures; look at its great advantages,

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and tell me what ground there is, judging by experience, in aid of theory, for those gloomy apprehensions which have been fo induftriously excited."

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With respect "to the commercial privileges now enjoyed by Ireland, and to which it owes so much of its prosperity, that they would be lefs fecure than at present, I have given an answer to already, by stating, that they are falsely imputed to the independence of the Irish parliament, for they are, in fact, owing to the exercise of the voluntary difcretion of the British parliament, UNBOUND by COMPACT, prompted only by its natural difpofition, to confider the interefts of Ireland as its own,"

"I have seen it under the fame authority (that of Mr. Fofter, the Speaker of the Irish Houfe of Commons, to which I am forry so often to advert,) that the linen trade would be injured, and that there will be no fecurity for its retaining its present advantages. I have already stated, and with that very authority (Mr. Fofter) IN MY FAVOUR, that those advantages are at present PRECARIOUS, and that their fecurity can only arise from compact with Great Britain. Such a compact, this measure would establish in the moft SOLEMN manner: but befides this, the natural policy of this country, not merely its experienced liberality, but the IDENTITY of INTERESTS after an Union, would offer a fecurity worth a housand compacts.

I wifh for the maintenance of connexion between the two countries, with a peculiar regard to every thing that can give to Ireland its DUE weight and importance, as a great member of the Empire. I with for it, with a view of giv ing to that country the means of improving all its great natural resources, and of giving it a full participation of all thofe bleffings, which this country fo eminently enjoys.”

"God grant that in this inftance the fame favour of Divine Providence, which has in fo many inftances protected this Empire, may again interpofe in our favour; and that the attempts of the enemy to feparate the two countries,

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may tend ultimately to knit them more closely together, to ftrengthen a connexion, the best pledge for the happiness of both, and fo add to that power which forms the chief barrier of the civilized world, against the destructive principles, the dangerous projects, and the UNEXAMPLED USUKPATION of France."

"This connexion has been attacked not only by the avowed enemies of both countries, but by internal treason, aЯing in concert with the defigns of the enemy: internal treason, which engrafted Jacobinism on those diseases, which neceffarily grew out of the ftate and condition of Ireland."

"We fee the point, in which that enemy thinks us the most affailable-Are we not then bound in policy and prudence to ftrengthen that vulnerable point, involved as we are in a contest of LIBERTY against DESPOTISM-Of RROPERTY against PLUNDER and RAPINE of RELIGION and ORDER against IMPIETY and ANARCHY? There was a time, when this would have been termed declamation, but those calamities are attefted by the wOUNDS of a bleeding world."

"A measure then, which muft communicate to fuch a mighty limb of the empire as Ireland, all the commercial advantages which Great Britain poffeffes, which will open the markets of the one country to the other, which will give them both the common use of capital, MUST, by diffufing a large portion of wealth into Ireland, confiderably increase the resources, and confequently the strength of the whole empire."

"But it is not merely in this general view that I think the question ought to be confidered. We ought to look to it with a view peculiarly to the permanent interest and security of Ireland. When that country was threatened with the double danger of hoftile attacks by enemies without, and of treason within, from what quarter did the derive the means of her deliverance ?—from the naval force of Great Britain, from the voluntary exertions of her military of every defcription

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description-not called for by law-and from her pecuniary resources, added to the loyalty and energy of the inhabitants of Ireland itself: Of which it is impoffible to speak with too much praife, and which fhews how well they deserve to be called the BRETHREN of BRITONS."

What, then, are the advantages derivable from this meafure to Ireland?" They are, fays Mr. Pitt, the protection which she will secure herself in the HOUR of DANGER-the moft effectual means of increafing her COMMERCE, and improving her AGRICULTURE; the command of ENGLISH CAPITAL; the infufion of ENGLISH MANNERS, and ENGLISH INDUSTRY, neceffarily tending to ameliorate her CONDITION, to accelerate the progrefs of internal CIVILIZATION, and to terminate those FEUDS and DISSENSIONS, which now distract the country, and which he does not poffefs within herself the POWER to extinguish. She would see the avenue to HONORS, to DISTINCTIONS, and EXALTED SI TUATIONS, in the general feat of Empire opened to ALL thofe, whofe ABILITIES, and TALENTS enable them to indulge an honourable and laudable ambition."

With an anxious wifh, therefore, for the exaltation of Ireland, in independence, commerce, and its civil ftate, we conclude by giving it as our deliberate opinion, on the grounds before stated, that if an Union does not take place, the nation will be reduced to a moft wretched condition. Their only manufacture of linen will be inevitably lost; their corn trade will be at an end; and the gentlemen of eftates will confequently turn off their tenants, because they will not be able to pay their rents. They will then become farmers themselves to feed their own sheep and cattle; there will then be left but a few miferable cottagers to watch those cattle, and Ireland will foon become a country like that of the Javage Tartars. The farmer must rob, beg, or leave the country the merchant must become poor and bankrupt, and the shopkeeper muft break and ftarve. Therefore, may

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