譬

tical powers; and that skill which fo nobly attempted to cure political complaints, introduced but new disorders. For from the great object of that arrangement, which was independency, arofe the idea of diftin&tness, and through this diftin&tness between the two bodies of the Empire, as well as the two bodies of the Irish nation, the contagious poison of the times has infused that of feparation. And against this deadly confequence to all parties there is no antidote, nor refource left, but an incorporative Union.

Here however independency rises against the propofition, pleading with all the force of honourable pride. To this manly principle, therefore, we bow and answer, that Irish independency does not, can not exift, fave under an incorporative Union. If it did really exist, what must follow? Ultimately and unavoidably a separation of the two kingdoms, through jealoufy and variance: If Ireland be nominally independent, the separation is so much the more inevitable, when one Parliament in the moft powerful kingdom, is really independent, and the other in the weak kingdom is practically fubfervient.That this is the cafe, every law of Ireland announces under the great feal of Britain: which is a record of the dependency of its connexion, and an atteftation of the inferiority of its state. Remove that inferiority, and feparation enfues: embrace equality, and the Union may be immortal,

The Parliament of Ireland is ipfo facto, in a dependent ftate, as we have fhewn before: the Crown of Ireland is by law dependent on that of Great Britain, and the commerce of Ireland, is by neceffity; and it must with gratitude be acknowledged as a favour that it is permitted to be dependent upon the bounty of the British Parliament: as we shall incontrovertibly fhew hereafter.

Thus then we fee that the Union removes at once all thefe dependencies, and makes Ireland completely independent and equal to Great Britain. She will then become po

"

litically

litically free, whereas her government and powers are now politically dependent.

Next: with refpect to its Political Relations, that with Britain is a dependent one, not only in Crown and Commerce, and under the feal of its laws, but under the fhield of its protection: and that with other nations, is but through abfolute dependence. For it wears again this badge in the figns and feals of all treaties, and diplomatic arrangements, entered into by Great Britain with other Powers. And if it be not thus included, and dependently connected, it has neither political relation, nor rank amongst treating nations.

Were the not thus dependently connected with Great Britain, what must be the obvious refult? It is remarked by Machiavel, that war should be the only study of States, and fays Hobbes, war is the ftate of nature. These two men demonftrate to us the melancholy hiftory of Political Societies. The leagues of nations are confederacies of intereft; that intereft originates and ends in views of power. What then is the power of Ireland? where is her portion, to fecure friendship by leagues, or repel enmity by arms, were the independent? This want of power muft, neceffarily and ever, make her dependent in the wildeft fchemes of fancied independency, either to become wholly unconnected, or remain connected as at present by a federal Union. The proofs are evidently before her. But had the ample power for independence, would the propofition of Union now exift? Moft indubitably not: she had long fince been independent. But her diminutive ftrength and relative pofition on the globe deny this independence, therefore, the can only be conjunctively independent; and through no other conjunction, that all the wit of man can devife, can she be independent, than through an incorporative one. We defy the most profound judgment, or fharpeft ingenuity, to point out any other mode, whereby Ireland can be in reality and practically independent, than through an Uni

on

on of the Legislatures. She has neither population, territories, revenues, nor commerce, to be separately independent; but, by incorporation and identity with Great Britain, fhe acquires all these and, therefore by Union, and with Great Britain alone, can fhe, or will the ever be independ

ent.

As to Union with France, it is Union with defpotifm and robbery. That murdering nation has twice renewed her vaft armies, which have been fwept off the face of the polluted earth. She has twice publicly robbed her own fubjects, giving them for their plundered property, paper of no value, under the name of Affignats and Mandats. She has, unceasingly and without diftinction, fince the revolution, stripped her people, after fhe had robbed her throne and facked her altars. Not glutted with the flaughter of above two millions of her unhappy subjects, she plucked the sword from the bowels of her own people, to plunge it into the bosom of foreign nations. She has vexed both elements: the earth and the sea bear witness against her ~ havock of the human fpecies: and Heaven itself had not bounds for her crimes-she has infulted the Majefty of the Creator upon his throne.

The whole globe was unequal to her horrors: even one small portion of it has been plundered by her rapacity of 1,691,757,354/. fterl. [fee table A.] And we believe it might with great truth be afferted, that tigers and wolves have not collectively committed fuch havoc upon their respective fpecies fince the creation, as the French upon their own, fince the revolution. Now that these men should with fuch qualifications fet up to be legiflators of the world, is fomewhat ftrange. But it is more ftrange, that Ireland or any other nation, in its fenfes, fhould unite with them. For have they not punished virtue with chains, banishment, and death? do they not regard their own people as an herd of cattle, to be butchered for their purposes? have they not

treated

treated the people of other nations in the fame manner, or fold and transferred them as beasts to other masters? It was the cafe in Venice: Have they not destroyed old and free republics to convert them into new, and load them with chains and oppreffions? It is the cafe in Switzerland. Will Ireland then unite with them to become independent and a republic, that is, to bleed under their chains, guillotines, and tortures ? or will the unite with Great Britain, to become as free as Britain in her Crown and commerce, in her Parliament and political Relations; to become as powerful as Great Britain herself, and, we trust, a joint inftrument of Heaven to stay the scourge of humanity ?

COMMERCIAL STATE.

Let us now confider, what is the nature and extent of the commercial advantages of Ireland under her present system, and what are thofe derivable from the propofed fyftem of an Union?

Here we shall fully and fairly fee, upon the plain and unequivocal evidence of figures, whether the opinion of all those who oppofe an Union on the ground of trade, is found or not, and if their teftimony be as true and difinterested as they pretend.

Since the commerce of Ireland depends on British connexion, as will obviously be shown, it is reasonable to ask what is this connexion? It is one which fubfifts through the Sovereign of both countries being the fame. But it is afferted by Ireland that the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, in all their functions, legislative and political, are diftin&t and separate from thofe of Great Britain. Confequently, whatever is diftinct, separate, and independent of each other, must indisputably be without contact, and of

courfe

course without connexion. Where, then, is the bafis for Irish commerce? where the cement to preferve from diffolution this system of British conceffion?

It is true, an Act of Parliament has fixed the Crown of Ireland on the brow of a British King; but as that King and his Parliament of Ireland are separate and diftinct in all functions of authority from thofe of England, this Act of Parliament does not invalidate the confequences refulting from their being distinct, separate, and independent of each other; namely, that they are indifputably without contact, and of course without connexion. Befide, what one Act of Parliament has done, another Act of Parliament can undo. We fee nothing but confufion here; yet this is the connexion upon which the commercial exiftence of Ireland depends: this is the state of feparation upon which British courtesy and British conceffion ftand; and of what value and extent these conceffions are, in the common commercial calculations of loss and gain, between the two nations, let us now inquire.

Such

* The fallacy of the prefent relation between Great Britain and Ireland, has been most fully and ably difcuffed by Lord Grenville, under every poffible relation of State, Church, Finance, Army, &c. whereby his Lordship made it appear, that there was really No Connexion between the two countries.

Irish Commerce with Great Britain.

(The following statements are founded upon the Public Accounts laid be. fore the House of Lords, 25th of February, 1799, by Thomas Irving, Efq; Infpector General of the Revenue.)