one in a particular family claimed the privilege, and professed to declare the will of the god. His office is hereditary. He fixed the days of annual feasts in honour of the deity, received the offerings, and thanked the people for them. He ♦ decided, also, whether or not the people might go to war.

"The offerings were principally cooked food. As in ancient Greece, so in Samoa, the first cup was in honour of the god. It was either poured out on the ground or waved towards the heavens, reminding us of the Mosaic ceremonies. The chiefs all drank a portion out of the same cup, according to rank; and after that the food brought as an offering was divided and eaten. This feast was annual, and frequently about the month of May. In some places it passed off quietly; in others it was associated with games, sham fights, night dances, &c.; and lasted for days. In time of war special feasts were ordered by the priests. Of the offerings on war occasions, women and children were forbidden to partake, as it was not their province to go to battle. They supposed it would bring sickness and death on the party eating who did not go to the war, and hence were careful to bury or throw into the sea whatever food was over after the festival. In some cases the feasts in honour of the god were regulated by the appearance in the settlement of the bird which was thought to be the incarnation of the god. Whenever the bird was seen the priest would say that the god had come, and fix upon a day for his entertainment.

'The village gods, like those of the household, had all some particular incarnation. One was supposed to appear as a bat, another as a heron, another as an owl. If a man found a dead owl by the roadside, and if that happened to be the incarnation of his village god, he would sit down and weep over it, and beat his forehead with stones till the blood flowed. This was thought pleasing to the deity. Then the bird would be wrapped up, and buried with care and ceremony, as if it was a human body. This was not, however, the death of the god. He was supposed to be yet alive and incarnate in all owls in existence. The flight of these birds was observed in time of war. If the bird flew before them it was a signal to go on; but if it crossed the path it was a bad omen and a sign of retreat. Others have seen their village god in the rainbow; others have seen him in the shooting star; and in time of war the position of a rainbow, and the direction of a shooting star, were always ominous.

'The constant dread of the gods, and the numerous and extravagant demands of a cunning and avaricious priesthood, made the heathenism of Samoa a hard service. On the reception of Christianity, temples were destroyed, the sacred groves left to be overrun by the bush, the shells, and stones, and divining cups were thrown away, and the fish and fowls, which they previously regarded as an incarnation of their gods, were eaten without suspicion or alarm. In a remarkably short time, under God's blessing, hardly a vestige of the entire system was to be seen.'

SOUTH AFRICA.-AMBITIOUS DESIGNS OF THE TRANS-VAAL BOERS.

'A letter from Mr. Ross, who has been for some time a missionary among the Bechuanas, draws attention to a scheme of aggression, promulgated in a new code of laws of the Trans-Vaal Boers, for taking ultimate possession of the whole country extending in a line across their territory from the Atlantic to the Indian Ocean, Our readers may remember that Mr. Moffat, in his journal of his visit to

Moselekatse, drew attention to the danger to the Christian cause of this dishonest, aggressive spirit. The chief obstacle, he said, to the progress of Christianity among the people consisted in the aggressive spirit of the Trans-Vaal Boers, whose transactions had hitherto been characterised by a deep-rooted enmity to all missionary operations, and between whom and the missionaries no peace could be expected. A daring, marauding, and licentious spirit, akin to that exhibited lately by the Missouri marauders in Kansas, appears to characterise these descendants of the old Dutch settlers. Mr. Ross writes, in a letter given in the Missionary Record' of the Established Church of Scotland:

‘Great changes are at present passing over this unhappy land, some of which 【 shall endeavour to relate to you. The Trans-Vaal Boers have long been troubling the servants of God in this district, and the doom of all of us seems to be now sealed. They have lately made a new code of laws, which, if they are strictly observed, will sooner or later destroy the work of missions in this quarter, and remove all missionaries from their pretended dominions.

'Article 4th plainly states that "the people desire to possess and maintain inviolate their territory situated in South Africa, north of the Vaal river, and south as yet undefined, including their rights and claims to the territory situated to the east and south-east of this republic, extending to the Indian Ocean, and to the west and south-west, along the Vaal river to where it falls into the Orange river, and further, to the north of the Orange river, where, on the west coast of South Africa, it falls into the Atlantic Ocean." This is a very large and unrighteous desire, and only depends on the supposition that they shall conquer and subdue the unoffending inhabitants of these lands, from the Indian to the Atlantic Ocean. At present their policy is to be quiet, and to prevent all the coloured tribes from getting supplies of ammunition, but as soon as they can effect their purpose, and spill as little Boer blood as possible, what they have said shall be done.

‘Article 18th, “ The seat of the legislative power and of the council of the state shall, as soon as may be, and as far as possible, be established in the centre of the territory of this republic." This is astounding, especially to us, as we have long heard their threats that Kurruman should yet be the seat of the president; whether this shall soon be practicable or not we know not, but this district seems to be more in the centre of what they have arrogantly specified than where the president has lived for many years. In the special articles it is provided, amongst other things, that the people will not suffer in their midst any Romish churches; that they will not allow missionaries to labour within the territory without permission from the competent authority; and in case they be found labouring, either publicly or privately, without such permission, that they will then be sent across the frontier at their own expense. Now, that we should ask such permission to teach in this land from them, after having done so with such a measure of success for so many years, from the only authorities ever known in it, or that they, on whom we look as illegal intruders, should give us permission in the future, are very unlikely things. So I can predict, with a degree of moral certainty, that if our frail lives are long spared in this land of our honourable toil, and if God's righteous judgments are permitted to chasten the people, and also their missionaries, in the event of the Boers bringing al the aborigines under their control, as is intended, to be sent across the frontier shall assuredly be our doom. Now is our time to be rigilant, prudent, and faithful, but whoever has the reins of govern

ment among men, it is our unspeakable comfort that "the Lord reigns." May his word bring forth a more abundant harvest than ever we have yet seen.'

MADAGASCAR.-ARRIVAL OF MR. ELLIS AT THE CAPITAL.

The Overland Mail brings a letter from Mr. Ellis full of interest, as bearing witness to the cordiality of his reception by all parties at the capital of Madagascar:

'Frequently during the journey messengers from the capital had been met, bringing letters and expressions of welcome from the prince and his friends; and, on approaching the last stage, these messages, with other modes of attention, became more frequent. It was also the wish of the queen that such attentions should be as respectful as possible. For this purpose the visitor was requested to wait at a short distance from Autaimanario, until preparations were made for properly conducting him into her capital. A palanquin was then prepared for his use, covered in part with a velvet cloak, and three chiefs on horseback rode beside him, with a numerous retinue in attendance. In this style he was escorted to the house which had been prepared for his residence. A present from the queen was soon afterwards announced, which proved to be a fine bullock, with a vast provision of poultry, eggs, and other things, the principal portion of which Mr. Ellis requested Izaro to divide amongst his attendants. The house proved to be exceedingly commodious and comfortable, with many of the conveniences of European life. And here a little time to rest from the fatigues of the journey would have been very agreeable, especially as Mr. Ellis was suffering from a severe cold, the consequence of exposure to the rains, and to a degree of cold in the general state of the weather, for which he had not been prepared. Rest, however, was out of the question, so many welcomes awaited him, and some of a nature so deeply interesting, so affecting, in their pathos and sincerity, as to present no ordinary claim upon the feelings.'

Monthly Retrospect.

JANUARY has belied its heathen origin, and this year has become a month of War instead of a month of Peace. Or did the Romans seek simply to symbolize, not the possible, nor the actual, but only the ideal? If they had been in the habit of inculcating moral lessons, we might imagine a high morality symbolized in that word 'January.' Let this month be consecrated to the god of Peace! And so, we might also imagine, it was removed from its old place in the heathen calendar, in order that it might read-Let the first month of the year be sacred to Peace! Their first month was consecrated to the god of War. Were Christians what they profess to be, this change would have a real signification. It would be symbolical of the two systems; but reading history as we have read it, we are disposed to question whether there has not been a greater passion for war during the last three hundred years than at any other period of equal duration in the world's history. Civilization-we do not say Christian civilization-seems as yet to have had very little other influence than

to sharpen and intensify every good and bad passion. If it has opened up means for the amelioration of evil, it has, at the same time, and in an equal degree, pointed out new paths to vice. It has, in fact, done nothing more than arm the combatants on both sides in the 'Holy War.' Hence, we often see a man of the greatest refinement and education taking the initiative in the most indefensible causes. This is the only philosophical suggestion we are enabled to make in explanation of Sir John Bowring's conduct in the new Chinese war. When Sir John Bowring was sent out to China, we ventured, in our own minds, to hope that we saw in him the beginning of a new race of diplomatists. A Liberal in politics; not committed to Whig or Tory; unallied to any great family; a man notoriously and for years taking a prominent part in what we may call humanitarian legislation-that is, a politician with some human sympathies-we thought we saw in him one who would not let diplomatic pride rule over a righteous judgment; one who would rejoice at an opportunity of showing a readiness to concede right and to acknowledge wrong, especially on behalf of a powerful nation. His position gave him opportunity to do this; his antecedents justified the expectation that he would do it; yet, on the first trial, he does what a mere tool of Napoleon under the same circumstances would have done-sacrifices the clearest moral right to the pride of reputation and power. For, having read the whole of the correspondence relating to the lorcha 'Arrow,' and to the subsequent proceedings at Canton, we can come to no other conclusion than that advantage has been taken of a long hoped-for opportunity of gratifying some personal revenge for official slights or insults. The admiral and the ambassador are fighting out their own quarrel with the Chinese Commissioner, a quarrel which would, most probably, have taken place if not a plank of the 'Arrow' had been cut. We despair of Lord Palmerston setting this matter righteously before the nation, and ordering honourable retribution, but we do hope that the Tories under Mr. Disraeli, and the Radicals under Mr. Roebuck, will unite in teaching the Premier that lesson which is usually learnt only in adversity or minority.

6

We are reluctant to say that, to us, the Persian war appears to have a still more ignoble origin. In insisting on the real cause of this quarrel, the 'Times' has done as good service as, on the other question, it has done bad. For, in accordance with its custom of equally balancing good and evil, its zeal against an evil cause is exactly proportioned to its zeal on behalf of another not a whit better. If it has cried, 'down' with the Persian war, you may safely prophesy that it will cry up' with the Chinese. Besides, the 'Post' advocates the Persian war, and the Times,' as a matter of course, takes the contrary side. Readers of the actual correspondence, and rememberers of the course of events, know that the one is more unjustifiable than the other. The Persian war is a war on behalf of a woman of the worst reputation-a war with which the Herat question has no more to do than the Mosquito. What Yeh did in the lorcha dispute, though clearly in the right, the Shah has done in the matter of Herat. He has given up every point of difference, so that, Mr. Murray's digraceful protegé aside, there is no imaginary cause of

quarrel. As in China, however, the offended official must have his revenge, and the nation is to suffer in substance and reputation in consequence. If the Income-tax is to be continued, let it be generally understood that it is solely to vindicate the wounded vanity of Sir John Bowring and Mr. Murray. Had not both of these officials better be pensioned off at any cost-say half a million a-year or a royal allowance-than allow two Eastern wars? But if China had been America, and Persia had been France, would our diplomatists and statesmen have been so valiant? Reckoning upon support from their chief, they became as quarrelsome as he, taking care, however, to quarrel only wi.h those whom they know they can beat. And so no rest is given to a world sick and weary of the sight of blood, the sound of war, and the wail of injustice. Humanity cries for repose, and it receives a stimulant. Were I,' says Mr. Nathaniel Hawthorne, in his inimitable sketch of the 'Old Manse,'' to adopt a pet idea, and fondle it in my embraces, it would be that the great want which mankind labours under at the present period is-sleep! The world should recline its vast head on the first convenient pillow, and take an age-long nap'-with Palmerston to watch it!

There is an indefinite notion that the coming session will be the last of the present Parliament. It is supposed that either on the Chinese or Persian war, on the income-tax, or on some smaller question than either of these, Lord Palmerston, before August comes, will be obliged to' appeal to the country.' The eagles,' therefore, are now gathering to a common centre. From the North come the Earl of Aberdeen and Sir James Graham; from Paris the leader of the Tory opposition; from the sunny South, where the late leader of the House of Commons has been recovering his' philosophique' spirit-the indispensable Lord John Russell. May we not hope that the philosophic statesman has there learnt what Cowper's 'retired cat' learnt in her adversity, to 'point a moral' not unlike the following:

'Beware of too sublime a sense

Of your own worth and consequence;
The man who dreams himself so great,
And his importance of such weight,
That all around, in all that's done,
Must move and act for him alone,
Will learn in school of tribulation
The folly of his expectation.'

We think it possible that, after this schooling of tribulation,' Lord John may become both more humble and more liberal. He may vote against the Income-tax, and so hope to ride into office on a question belonging more especially to Mr. Gladstone. Were it not for the blind or selfish efforts of local politicians, we should confidently hope that the House would not be led astray on this matter. That the Government must in honour relinquish this tax is evident; but that they intend to ask for its reimposition, and so to keep up a war expenditure, is equally evident. We agree with the Morning Star' in thinking that it would be most in accordance with right and provident principles of taxation to keep up a rectified Income-tax, and to abolish other far more pressing and injurious impositions. Our now