1 tives would introduce hiatus. In the other examples such a change would interfere still more seriously with the meter. It seems, then, as if metrical convenience had sometimes co-operated with the tendency to confuse the indirect question and the relative clause, to bring about the use of the subjunctive. 5 Of the prose passages only those from Cicero have been considered in this connection. In eleven2 of our Cicero passages, the rhythm would be unchanged if the indicative were used; and in one the sentence rhythm would be affected, but not the clausula. In two passages, Leg. Manil. 13. 38 and Verr. Act. II, iii. 40. 92, the subjunctive yields a decidedly better clausula than the indicative would yield. The Leg. Manil. passage is especially interesting, since, as Cicero himself says, this oration is highly artistic. In one example, Rep. i. 13. 19, the subjunctive yields a clausula decidedly inferior to that which the indicative would have afforded. But this example is in a question; and in questions, Professor Shipley tells me, Cicero is not so partial to the "clausulae verae" as he is in statements. In one passage, Phil. xiv. 3. 9, the subjunctive produces a clausula which is somewhat less often used than that which the indicative would produce." Finally, in two passages the subjunctive 1 There is probably no parallel for such an example of hiatus in either Terence or Lucilius. Cf. Lindsay, Latin Language, p. 209; Marx, ed. Lucilius (1904); Index Grammaticus Metricus, s.v. "hiatus." The passages are: De Orat. ii. 39. 166; Fam. iii. 10. 11; Leg. Agr. i. 8. 25; Quint. Fratr. i. 2. 16; Inv. ii. 9.30; Lael. 16.56; Phil. vi. 1. 1; the three passages from De Div.; De orat. iii. 6. 25. • Pro Flacco 33. 81. In both Leg. Manil. and Verr. the subjunctive yields - - - |- ~ -, Zielinski's V28 ("Das Clauselgesetz," Philologus, Supplementband IX [1904], 652), one of the "clausulae verae" (op. cit. pp. 603 ff.). For the clausula which would result from the use of the indicative (— — — | − − −), see op. cit., pp. 604 ff. and 729 ff. This is one of Zielinski's "clausulae selectae" and is used to produce a heavy effect. Such an effect would not be desirable in our two passages, as the concluding words are not emphatic. Orator 102. Cf. also Zielinski, Der constructive Rhythmus in Ciceros Reden (Leipzig, 1914), p. 68. • The subjunctive yields one of the "clausulae pessimae" (P. 2). The indicative would have yielded one of the verae (V2y, "Clauselgesetz," p. 652). 7 The subjunctive gives us L21y ("Clauselgesetz," p. 658), while the indicative would have given L11y (p. 620). The former clausula occurs 32 times in the Philippics and 119 times in all the orations. The latter occurs 44 times in the Philippics and 242 times in all the orations (loci citati). yields clausulae which occur somewhat more often than those which would have resulted from the use of the indicative.1 It appears, then, that, for the most part, Cicero's feeling for rhythm has nothing to do with the occurrence of the subjunctive in our examples. In a few cases, however, the tendency to use certain rhythms may have co-operated with the tendency to confuse indirect question and relative clause, to bring about the use of the subjunctive. CONCLUSIONS From the passages cited these conclusions are, it seems to me, to be drawn: The indirect question and the relative clause were occasionally confused by Latin authors, and, among the rest, by Cicero. Such confusion is never a just reason for suspecting a manuscript reading. Mueller's theory that clauses lying midway between indirect questions and relative clauses are never used after demonstrative pronouns (see p. 61)3 is disproved by the examples of our Class I. FRANCES SHIMER SCHOOL 1 In Phil. ii. 21. 50 either the subjunctive or the indicative would yield a “clausula vera." The subjunctive gives us clausula V28 ("Clauselgesetz," p. 652); the indicative would give us V18 (p. 615). The former clausula occurs 133 times in the Philippics and 666 times in all the orations. The latter clausula occurs 36 times in the Philippics and 256 times in all the orations. In De Orat. ii. 61. 248 the clausula which the subjunctive gives us is L13y (p. 620). The indicative would have given L4ồn (p. 710). The former clausula occurs 176 times in the orations; the latter 9 times. For the psychology of Cicero's use of rhythm cf. Zielinski, Der constructive Rhythmus, pp. 13 ff. Cicero did not, of course, say to himself: "In order to secure a good clausula I will confuse the indirect question and the relative clause." He was not conscious of preferring certain clausulae to others (see Der constructive Rhythmus, p. 15), and in all probability he was not conscious of confusing the indirect question and the relative clause. Otherwise, by employing a different word-order-in Leg. Manil., "quae itinera" in place of "itinera quae"-or by making some other easy change, he could have produced the desired rhythmical effect while using a regular indirect question. • Mueller made this observation in 1864 (see p. 61, n. 2), but was still influenced by it in his edition of Cicero's works. Cf., e.g., his critical notes on De Div. i. 38. 82 and on Rosc. Am. 34. 95. STUDIES IN GREEK NOUN-FORMATION Based in part upon material collected by the late A. W. STRATTON, and prepared under the supervision of CARL D. BUCK,1 DENTAL TERMINATIONS I. 4 WORDS WITH GENITIVE IN -LTOς, -κτος, -ρτος GENITIVE IN -LTOS The addition of t to roots ending in i, just as to other roots (cf. C.P. 12. 173), or to noun-stems in i, has yielded a few stems in -17-, but no distinctive or productive type. dais from the root of daiw is similar to Sanskrit feminine abstracts like stut- 'praise,' from the root stu- 'praise.' The word is almost confined to poetic use, and is perhaps more specifically Ionic.3 The rare Xts, an adjective 'smooth' in Hom. λis wérpη and in owdwv Xis of a Samian inscription, SGDI. 5702. 19, in Homer also used substantively of 'smooth linen' (Airi, Xîra), is a verbal adjective, standing to λιτός in the same relation as -βλής to -βλητός, -γνώς to Yvwrós, etc., and formed from the root seen in λeîos, áλívw, Lat. linō, etc.4 The neuter μe represents an IE. *melit, reflected also by Goth. milip 'honey' (o-stem), and perhaps indirectly by Lat. mel, mellis (*melit to *melid, whence gen. *mel(i)des, mellis; cf. Walde, Lat. Et. Wtb.2 s.v. with references; otherwise Sommer Hdb. d. lat. Sprache2 357, Erläut. 107). This *melit is doubtless an IE. extension of an i-stem with the same t that is seen in neuters like γάλα, γάλακτος, Lat. lac, lactis, beside yλáyos, or, confined to the nominativeaccusative, in Skt. yakṛt 'liver,' çakrt 'dung." The numerous compounds of μέλι are all late, and with the exception of οἰνομέλι, 1 See Introductory Note, CP. 5. 323 ff. "Those with genitive in -TOs, forming classes of larger extent, are reserved for later treatment. Cf. Fraenkel, Nom. ag. 1. 104. Cf. Fraenkel, Nom. ag. 1. 88 ff. 5 Cf. Brugmann, Grd.2 2. 1. 428. [CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY XIII, January, 1918] 75 Polyb.+, are rare technical names employed by medical writers, etc. (see Word-List). The other neuter, orais (or oraîs) 'dough,' gen. σrairós, is of obscure history. Its most probable connection is with OIr. tāis 'dough,' OBulg. těsto 'dough,' OEng. paēsma 'yeast,' all pointing to *taist.1 If we assume a Greek *orаLOT-, either representing a collateral form (cf. σTéyos, Téyos and the like), or with σ due to the influence of στέαρ (στέαρ and σταίς are sometimes confused in use), this might well result in nom.-acc. orais, but gen. σrairós from *OTαLOTÓS by dissimilation similar to that seen in Lat. stetī. xápis, with T-inflection from Homer on, except for acc. xápi, represents a probably inherited extension of an i-stem, similar to that seen in the (unrelated) Skt. harit- beside hari- 'yellowish.' The i-stem still prevails in the accusative singular (xápira is confined to a few occurrences in poetry and two in Herodotus, one in Xenophon; cf. Kühner-Blass 1. 413), in the old derivative xapi-eis, in the first member of early compounds (contrast xapı-dórŋs h. Hom. with χαριτο-δότης Plut.), including all such proper names as Χαριγένης, Xapi-μévns, etc., and also, in most dialects, in the second member of the proper names in -xapis. The appellative compounds, like euxapis, neut. exapi, follow the same inflection as xápis, e.g., evɣápires Xen., Plut., etc. (but once dat. sg. äxapi Hdt. 1. 41). The proper names in -xapis are inflected precisely like those in -Toλis, namely, gen. -dos in Attic and West Ionic, elsewhere gen. -los, e.g., Att. Eixápidos, but Boeot. dat. Euxapi,—Anμoxápidos at Cumae, but Δαμοχάριος in Cos, Crete, Πρωτοχάριος at Samos, Θευχάpios at Delphi, Awpixápios, etc. at Rhodes. The only instance of T-inflection is 'Еrixáρiтоs (woman's name) Dio Cass. 62. 27. The fondness of Rhodes for names in -xapis is noticeable, a third of all those quotable occurring there only. Most are men's names, but 'Enixapis is a woman's name in Boeotian and elsewhere, Euxapıs likewise a woman's name in Boeotian and a ship's name at Athens (see Word-List). Very probably -xapis was restricted to women's names in Boeotian (for 'Avrixapıs of an epitaph may also be a woman), 1 Rozwadowski, Quaest. gram. et etym. 1. 34; Lidén IF. 19. 353; Pedersen, Kelt. Sprachen 1. 56. and perhaps in some other dialects, beside the more usual -xapns in men's names, e.g., masc. 'Erixáρns, fem. 'Erixapis. The only certain instances of men's names in -xapis in continental Greece are Aauóxapıs (Lac., Arc.), and Oeóxapis (Ath., Delph., Arc.). Zwxapis and 'Ovnoiχαρις are the fathers of Athenians (Σωκράτης Ζωχάριος 'Αθηναῖος, Κτησίας Ὀνησιχάριδος 'Αθηναῖος) and perhaps themselves Athenians. But one suspects that all these may be of Eastern descent. The original stem of θέμις, Θέμις is θεμιστ-, as in Hom. θέμιστα, θέμιστες, θέμιστος, Θέμιστι, etc., also Thess. θέμισστι IG. 9. 2. 1236, Оéμloтo(s) SGDI. 1557, elsewhere preserved only in derivatives and compounds, as θεμιστεύω, θεμιστεῖος, Θεμιστοκλῆς, etc. The isolated type of inflection was given up in favor of one or another of those common to nominatives in -is, namely, gen. -uos in Ionic (éμtos Hdt. 2. 50), -idos in Attic (Oéuidos Aesch. +), or -Tos. This last, after the analogy of χάρις, χάριτος, occurs in Pindar (θέμιτος, θέμιτες, Démoσi, Oéμiv) and Bacchylides (Oéμiros, 14. 55), also in a Boeotian inscription (éμiri, IG. 7. 1816. 2). The grammarians refer to it as Doric (Choerob. 1. 154. 35, 197. 19), and, while this might be owing merely to its occurrence in Pindar, I believe that they were right, and that, especially in view of 'Apтáμтos (see following), the type Оéμiтos was a West-Greek characteristic and is to be viewed as such, not as a Boeotianism,2 in Pindar. Unfortunately the word is not quotable from Doric inscriptions.3 The proper names in -Oeus have the same inflection as those in -πολις, -χαρις, etc. (above, p. 76), e.g., gen. Att. ̓Απολλοθέμιδος, 'Avažiéuidos (in Delian inscriptions with Att. -dos or Ion. -vos, for the same person, as IG. 11. 2. 111, 113), but Rhod. Aaμoléμios, Ther. eodéμos, Ion. Eevoléμios, etc. The only exceptions noted 1 beш-σт-, a compound whose second element belongs to the root rā-. Cf. Fraenkel, Glotta 4. 25 ff. 2 Sadee, De Boeot. tit. dial. 102, thinks @éros in Pindar is a Boeotianism, and likewise Fraenkel, Glotta 4. 23, who adds that Bacchylides copied Pindar. But it has yet to be shown that Pindar has any Boeotian forms which are not also common to epic, Lesbian, or Doric poetry, except the rare ev with accusative and rá 'why?'. Cf. Thumb, Hdb. d. griech. Dial. 214 ff., Wackemagel, Glotta 7, 295. It is possible that Arcadian also, in which there are other West-Greek elements, had the infection θέμιτος. But ̓Αριστοθέμιτος in an inscription of the second century A.D. (IG. 5. 2. 495), when the 7-inflection was rampant in several classes of proper names, is not conclusive evidence. |