was complete, they waited with impatience for the hour of action; but some of the under actors, seized with fear or remorse, resolved to prevent the execution by at timely discovery. One Prendergast, an Irish officer, gave information of the plot, but refused to mention the persons who were concerned as associates in the undertaking. His information was at first disregarded; but it was soon confirmed by La Rue, a Frenchman, and still more by the flight of sir George Barclay, who began to perceive that the whole was discovered. The night subsequent to the intended day of assassination, a considerable number of the conspirators were apprehended, and the whole discovery was communicated to the privy council. Prendergast became an evidence for the crown, and the conspirators were brought to their trial. The first who suffered were Robert Charnock (one of the two fellows of Magdalen college, who, in the reign of James, had renounced the protestant religion), lieutenant King, and Thomas Keys. They were found guilty of high-treason, and suffered at Tyburn. Sir John Friend, and sir William Perkins, were next arraigned; and although they made a very good, and, as it should seem, a very sufficient defence, yet lord chiefjustice Holt, who was too well known to act rather as counsel against the prisoners than as a solicitor in their favour, influenced the jury to find them guilty. They both suffered at Tyburn with great constancy, denying the charge, and testifying their abhorrence of the assassination. In the course of the month, Rookwood, Cranbourne, and Lowic, were tried by a special commission as conspirators; and, being found guilty, shared the fate of the former. But the case of sir John Fenwick was considered as one of the greatest stretches of power exhibited during this reign. This gentleman, whose name had been mentioned among the rest of the

conspirators, was apprehended in his way to France. There was little evidence against him, except an intercepted letter which he wrote to his wife. It is true he offered to discover all he knew of a conspiracy against the king; but, when he came to enter into the detail, he so managed his information, that it could affect no individual concerned. King William, therefore, sent over word from Holland, where he then was, that unless the A.D. prisoner could make more important discoveries, 1697. he should be brought to his trial. The only material evidences against him, were one Porter, and Goodman: but of these lady Fenwick had the good fortune to secrete one, so that only Porter, a single witness, remained; and his unsupported evidence, by the late law, was insufficient to affect the life of the prisoner. However, the house of commons were resolved to inflict that punishment upon him which the laws were unable to execute. As he had, in his discoveries, made very free with the names of many persons in that house, admiral Russel insisted that he might have an opportunity of vindicating his own character in particular. Sir John Fenwick was ordered to the bar of the house, and there exhorted by the speaker to make an ample discovery. He refused, and a bill of attainder was preferred against him, which was passed by a large majority. He was furnished with a copy of the indictment, and allowed counsel at the bar of the house; and the law-officers of the crown were called upon to open the evidence. After much disputation, in which passion and revenge were rather attended to than reason, the bill was committed, and sent up to the house of lords, where sir John Fenwick was found guilty, by a majority only of seven voices. The prisoner solicited the mediation of the lords in his behalf, while his friends implored the royal mercy. The lords gave him to understand, that the

success of his suit would depend on the fulness of his discoveries. He would have previously stipulated for pardon, and they insisted on his trusting to their favour. He hesitated some time between the fears of infamy, and terrors of death. At last he chose death as the least terrible; and he suffered beheading on Tower-hill with great composure. His death proved the insufficiency of any laws to protect the subject, when a majority of the powerful shall think proper to dispense with them!

This stretch of power in the parliament was in some measure compensated by their diligence in restraining the universal corruption that seemed at that time to prevail over the kingdom. They were assiduously employed in bringing those to justice who had grown wealthy by public plunder, and increasing the number of those laws which restrained the arts of peculation. The number of these, while they seemed calculated for the benefit of the nation, were in reality symptoms of the general depravity; for the more numerous the laws, the more corrupt the state.

The king, however, on his part, became at length fatigued with opposing the laws which parliament every day were laying round his authority, and gave up the contest. He admitted every restraint upon the prerogative in England, on condition of being properly supplied with the means of humbling the power of France. War and the balance of power in Europe, were all he knew, or indeed desired to understand. Provided the parliament furnished him with supplies for these purposes, he permitted them to rule the internal policy at their pleasure. For the prosecution of the war with France, the sums of money granted him were incredible. The nation, not contented with furnishing him such sums of money as they were capable of raising by the taxes of the year, mortgaged those taxes, and involved themselves in debts

which they have never since been able to discharge. For all that profusion of wealth granted to maintain the imaginary balance of Europe, England received in return the empty reward of military glory in Flanders, and the consciousness of having given their allies, particularly the Dutch, frequent opportunities of being ungrateful.

Sept. 15, The war with France continued during the

1697. greatest part of this king's reign; but at length the treaty of Ryswick put an end to those contentions in which England had engaged without policy, and came off without advantage. In the general pacification, her interest seemed entirely deserted; and for all the treasures she had sent to the continent, and all the blood which she had shed there, the only equivalent she received was an acknowledgement of king William's title from the king of France.

The king, now freed from a foreign war, laid himself out to strengthen his authority at home; but he showed that he was ill acquainted with the disposition of the people he was to govern. As he could not bear the thoughts of being a king without military command, he conceived hopes of keeping up, during peace, the forces that were granted him in time of danger; but what was his mortification to find the commons pass a vote, that all the forces in English pay, exceeding seven thousand men, should be forthwith disbanded, and that those retained should be natural-born subjects of England! A monarch bred up in camps as he was, and who knew scarcely any other pleasure than that of reviewing troops and dictating to generals, could not think of laying down at once all his power and all his amusements. He professed himself, therefore, highly displeased with the vote of the commons; and his indignation was kindled to such a pitch, that he actually conceived a

design of abandoning the government. His mi- A.D. nisters, however, diverted him from this resolu- 1699. tion, and persuaded him to consent to the enactment of the bill.

These altercations between the king and parliament continued during the remainder of this reign. William considered the commons as a body of men desirous of power for themselves, and consequently bent upon obstructing all his projects to secure the liberties of Europe. He seemed but little attached to any particular party in the house, all of whom he found, at times, deserted or opposed him. He therefore veered to Whigs and Tories indiscriminately, as interest or immediate exigence demanded. He was taught to consider England as a place of labour, anxiety, and altercation. If he had any time for amusement or relaxation, he retired to Loo in Holland, where, among a few friends, he gave a loose to those coarse festivities, which alone he was capable of relishing. It was there he planned the different successions of the princes of Europe, and laboured to undermine the schemes and the power of Louis, his rival in politics and in fame.

However feeble his desire of other amusements might have been, he could scarcely live without being at variance with France.. Peace had not long subsisted with that nation, when he began to think of resources for carrying on a new war, and for enlisting his English subjects in the confederacy. Several arts were used for inducing the people to second his aims; and the whole nation at last seemed to join in desiring a war with that kingdom. He had been in Holland concerting with his allies operations for a new campaign. He had engaged in a negotiation with the prince of Hesse, who assured him, that, if he would besiege and take Cadiz, the admiral of Castile, and divers other grandees of Spain, would