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Christian. The university was greatly displeased, and said, that such expressions were derogatory to the king's honour, to that of the university, and consequently of the whole kingdom. From what had passed, another general assembly was holden on Sunday the 30th of November, in the place where it had been held on the preceding Sunday; and it was then determined that the university should send a deputation to the king, to lay before him the words uttered by the legates, and to demand that they should be publicly recanted by them. It was proposed, that in case they should refuse so to do, the faculty of theologians should bring accusations against them, on the articles of faith, and they should be punished according to the exigence of the case. It was also resolved, that the university of Paris should write letters to all the other universities in the realm, and to the prelates and clergy, to invite them to unite in their opposition to such tenets. Many other things were agitated in this meeting, which I pass over for the sake of brevity. It was, however, finally concluded to send an answer to the pope, that he could not have any subsidy granted him in the way which had been proposed. The meeting came to the resolution, that the university of Paris should require from the archbishop of Rheims, and those of the members of the king's government who, as members, had given their oaths to the university, to join in the measures they had adopted, otherwise they should be expelled the university. It should be known, that while these things were passing, the legates, fearful of the consequences, hastily left Paris, without taking leave, as is usually done. The holy father, however, sent ambassadors to the king, to demand payment of the tenth imposed on the French church. When they declared the object of their mission to the council of state, and in the presence of the duke of Aquitaine, they said, that not only was the French church bound to pay this subsidy to the pope, but all other churches which were under his obedience, —first, from the divine law in Leviticus, which declares that all deacons shall pay to the high priest a tenth of their possessions,—and, 2dly, by natural and positive law. Whilst these things were passing, the university came to the council, and on the morrow a congregation was held in the monastery of the Bernardins. It was then resolved that the manner of demanding this subsidy should be reprobated, for that it was iniquitous, and contrary to the decree of the king and his council in the year 1406, for the preservation of the franchises of the French church. The university insisted on this decree being preserved inviolate, and declared, that if the pope or his legates attempted to constrain any person to pay this subsidy by censures of the church, it would appeal to a general council on this subject. Should any of the new ministers attempt anything against this decree, the university would appeal to the king and the whole council of state; and should any members of the university urge the payment of this tenth, they should be expelled; and if any persons, guilty of the above offence, should have any property of their own, the university would require that the said property should be confiscated to the king's use; otherwise they should be imprisoned. Should the holy father adopt the manner of raising this subsidy by way of charity, it would be agreeable to the university that the king should call together the prelates of his realm, first, to consider what subjects should be discussed in the general council of the church to be holden on this occasion; secondly, to deliberate on the demands made by the ambassadors respecting the tenth. Should it be determined for the pope to receive this subsidy, the university expressed its wish that some sufficient person should be deputed from this kingdom to receive the amount of the same, for the peace and union of the Greek and Latin churches, and from England for aid of the holy land, and the preaching the gospel to all the world; for such were the purposes for which the legates declared the holy father raised this subsidy. The university solicited the members of the parliament to unite themselves with them, for it was in support of their decree, made on the demand of the king's attorney-general. Juvenal des Ursins” was deputed by the university to reply to what the pope's ambassadors had advanced before the council; but at length the archbishop of Pisa, perceiving he could not otherwise gain his object, humbled himself much before the university, and spoke privately to some of the principal members to prevail on them to assist him. However, on the 28th day of January, it was declared, that no subsidy whatever should be granted to the pope, without the previous consent of the French church; and the deliberation on this matter was deferred to the 10th of February, when many prelates were summoned to give their opinions thereon. Through the active diligence of the university, the legates could not obtain consent that a subsidy in any shape should be granted to the pope, although the greater part of the lords, and in particular the princes, were very agreeable to it. While these matters were transacting at Paris, the holy father sent letters to the king of France and to the university, to say that the Florentines refused any longer to obey him, from fear of king Ladislaus ; that this king Ladislaus was assembling an immense army, as the pope wrote word, to conquer Rome and the adjacent country, that he might place in the chair of St. Peter a pope according to his pleasure. Should this happen, a more ruinous schism might befal the church than the former one,—to obviate which, he requested from the king, the princes, and university, aid and support. This was, through the intercession of the archbishop of Pisa, complied with, and in the manner that shall be hereafter related.

* I hardly know whether this can be the celebrated Treynel, chancellor of France in 1445, and again in 1464, archbishop of Rheins, and historian of the reign of Charles —and James Juvenal des Ursins, who was archbishop of WI. who was one of the most learned men of his time, Rheims before him. The history written by Juvenal des and died at an advanced age, in 1474. He had two bro- Ursins occupies the space from 1380 to 1422, and throws thers older than himself, William des Ursins, baron of great light, by comparison, on Froissart and Monstrelet.


THE duke of Burgundy, shortly after he had left Paris, sent three of his counsellors, namely, the lords de Croy and de Dours, knights, and master Raoul, head canon of Tournay and of Amiens, licentiate of law, as ambassadors to the king at Paris, and to his uncle and godfather, the duke of Berry, at Bourges. But when they were travelling between Orleans and Bourges, the lord de Croy was arrested by the officers of the duke of Orleans on the last day but one of January, without any molestation being given to the other two ambassadors or their attendants. He was carried to a castle within three leagues of Blois; and, on the morrow, strictly interrogated respecting the murder of the late duke of Orleans, and put to the torture to confess if he had been any way consenting to it, or an accomplice in it; but they could not discover anything to his prejudice. On the following Sunday, he was carried to Blois, and confined in the dungeons of a prison. The other ambassadors continued their route to Bourges, where, having explained to the duke of Berry the object of their mission, they humbly entreated that he would exert himself with the duke of Orleans that the lord de Croy might obtain his liberty. When they related to him the manner of the lord de Croy being arrested, the duke was filled with indignation, and instantly sent letters signed with his hand to the duke of Orleans, to say that he must immediately give up his prisoner, whom he had illegally arrested when coming to him; and that if he did not do it, he would have him for his enemy. The duke of Orleans, on the receipt of this letter, considered it well, and replied at length most courteously to the duke of Berry, excusing himself for what he had done, but putting off the setting the lord de Croy at liberty. The king and the duke of Aquitaine were soon made acquainted with this arrest; and they sent letters to the duke of Orleans, commanding him instantly to deliver the lord de Croy from his imprisonment, on pain of incurring their indignation. Notwithstanding these letters, the duke of Orleans would not give him his liberty, but kept him in close confinement, where he was very often most rigorously treated, and at times examined and put to the torture.

In the mean time, the other ambassadors sent messengers to the duke of Burgundy, to notify to him this conduct, and the means they had taken in vain for the deliverance of the lord de Croy. The duke was much surprised and vexed at this news, for he greatly loved the lord de Croy. Having considered this insult, and others that had been offered to his friends, he thought it time to take effectual measures for his security, and in consequence amassed as large a sum as he could : to this end, he sold his right to all confiscations within the town of Ghent to the townsmen, and yielded for money several other privileges to the Flemings. He likewise carried his son, the count de Charolois, to show him to many of the principal towns as their future lord, who, on this occasion, made him considerable presents. He afterward held a grand council on his affairs, in the town of Tournay, which was attended by his brothers-in-law, duke William and the bishop of Liege. The count de Namur was also present, and several great lords from the borders of the empire. The duke of Burgundy solicited their aid against his enemies, should need be ; and in particular against the duke of Orleans, his brothers, and allies. This service they offered him liberally, to the utmost of their power. Having obtained their promises, he went to Lille, whither the marshal Boucicaut, late governor of Genoa, came to meet him. He received him very kindly, and carried him with him to his town of Arras, whither he had convoked all the lords and nobles of the county of Artois and its dependencies. When they were assembled in the great hall of his residence, he addressed them himself, and caused them to be harangued by master William Bouvier, knight, licentiate of law, to explain how his enemies were plotting daily to arrest and imprison his friends, and had actually arrested and imprisoned the lord de Croy; for which cause he had now assembled them, to request that they would remain loyal ; and that, should there be a necessity, they would enter into his pay, and serve him, for they might be assured it would be solely in his own defence, and for that of the king and the duke of Aquitaine, that he would ever take up arms. He declared, that it was merely for the preservation of the crown to his present majesty, and to his heirs, that he had slain the duke of Orleans, father to the present duke. This death had been lately pardoned, and peace established by the king in the town of Chartres, and proclaimed by letters-patent. He added, that should any of the conditions of that treaty of Chartres be unaccomplished by him, he was ready to fulfil them, and willing to do anything else that would afford satisfaction. When he had concluded his speech, the nobles and knights present unanimously replied, that they would serve him to the utmost of their power. The meeting then broke up, and each man returned to his own country and home. The marshal Boucicaut went to Paris, and in full council, presided by the duke of Aquitaine in the place of his father, he accused the Genoese of various crimes, and exculpated himself for having lost that town; and ended by entreating that he might be sufficiently supplied with men and money to offer them battle and regain it. The council deferred giving an answer at the moment, but appointed a day for him to receive it. In the mean time, Boucicaut waited on all the principal lords, to interest them in his cause, and to beg that they would press the king and council to hasten a compliance with his request. It was ordered by the council, conjunctively with the three estates, that the Genoese should be summoned to appear before them at Paris, at the feast of Easter, when many of the nobles would be there assembled on other weighty affairs; particularly to have their consent that the duke of Aquitaine should be appointed regent of the kingdom, for the Parisians were extremely pressing that this should be done. The duke of Berry, however, was much displeased when he heard of it; and, to prevent it, wrote urgent letters to the duke of Aquitaine, to the queen, and to the great council, giving substantial reasons why this could not and ought not to be done, considering how very young the duke of Aquitaine was ; adding, that he and his brother Philip, duke of Burgundy, of good memory, had sworn on the holy sacrament that they would support and defend, to their last drop of blood, their nephew, the king now on the throne, against all who should attempt anything to his dishonour or disadvantage. While these things were in agitation, the king recovered his health; and of course the duke of Aquitaine was not regent, to the great satisfaction of the duke of Berry, who was much rejoiced thereat. In consequence of the quarrel that had now again broken out between the dukes of Orleans and Burgundy, the king issued a proclamation to all the bailiwicks, provostships, seneschalships, and governments in his realm, to forbid all nobles, of whatever rank they might be, and every other person, to obey the summons or join in arms either of the above dukes, under pain of their property being confiscated. On the Wednesday of the holy week, the duke of Bourbon and the count de Vertus, brother to the duke of Orleans, marched five hundred men-at-arms to Clermont, in Beauvoisis, and thence invaded Normandy. The count de Vertus did not remain long there, but, taking a part of the men-at-arms, left the duke of Bourbon, and hastened to the countries of the Soissonnois and Valois, to the territory of Coucy, which belonged to his brother, and there placed a good garrison. True it is, that when the duke of Burgundy heard this, he was much troubled, and, as speedily as he could, ordered his men-at-arms to meet him at Château-Cambresis the last day but one of April. But when these transactions came to the knowledge of the king and council, he sent able ambassadors to each of these dukes, to forbid them, under pain of having all their lands confiscated, and being declared enemies to their king and country, to attempt any expeditions against each other; and commanded them instantly to disband their forces. For this time, they very humbly obeyed his orders, and deferred proceeding further for a considerable space.

cIIAPTER LXIx.—THE DUKE of orleANS SENDS AMBASSADORS TO THE KING OF FRANCE, WITH LETTERS OF ACCUSATION AGAINST THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY AND THOSE OF HIS PARTY. [A. D. 1411.] At the commencement of this year, the duke of Orleans was displeased that those ministers who had been nominated by the duke of Burgundy had greater influence than any of the others, and that they daily deprived such as had been attached to the late duke of Orleans, and were now his friends, of their offices. In consequence, he sent ambassadors to the king to complain of this conduct, and to require that the murderers of his father should be punished conformably to the articles of the treaty, but who were now residents within the kingdom. To these ambassadors promises were made, on the part of the king, that proper remedies should be applied to give them satisfaction. On their departure, the king sent to his uncle, the duke of Berry, at Bourges, to require that he would interfere between his two nephews of Orleans and Burgundy, and make peace between them, which he engaged to do; and in consequence he sent his chancellor, the archbishop of Bourges, to Paris, well instructed by the duke how he was to act. Shortly after, this chancellor, the marshal Boucicaut, with others, were despatched to the duke of Burgundy, then at St. Omer, who, having heard all they had to say, replied, that it was no fault of his, nor should it ever be so, that any articles of the late treaties were infringed; for that in this, and in everything else, he was very desirous of obeying the king. And this his answer they laid before the king and council. But as the proceedings against the murderers of the late duke of Orleans did not seem to his son, and his advisers, to be carried on with sufficient vigour, he wrote letters, signed with his own hand, to complain of this and other matters to the king, the contents of which were as follows: “Most redoubted lord, after offering my humble recommendation,-lately, very redoubted lord, two of your counsellors came to me, namely, sir Collart de Charleville, knight, and sir Simon de Nanterre, president of your parliament, whom you had been pleased to send me to signify and explain your good will and pleasure touching certain points, which they have clearly and distinctly declared, according to the terms of their commission.—First, they require and entreat of me, in your name, who may command me as your loyal subject and humble servant, that I should submit the quarrel that subsists between me and the duke of Burgundy, for the inhuman and cruel murder of my very redoubted lord and father, and your own brother, on whose soul may God have mercy to my lady the queen, and to my lord and uncle the duke of Berry, who has been in like manner solicited by your ambassadors to labour diligently to establish a firm peace, for the general good of the kingdom. They have informed me, that you have also made a similar proposal to the duke of Burgundy, —and that, to effectuate so desirable an object as peace, I should send four of my friends to my said uncle of Berry, who will there meet the same number from the duke of Burgundy. —The second point mentioned by them is, that you entreat I would desist from assembling men-at-arms.-Thirdly, that I would accept of letters from you similar to those which had been formerly sent me at my request, respecting the murderers, and their accomplices, of my late father and your brother. “Having very maturely weighed and considered the above points, I reply, that I most

humbly thank you, very redoubted lord, for your grace and kindness in thus sending to me; and I can assure you, that I have no greater pleasure than in hearing often from you, and of your noble state; that I was, and am always ready to serve and obey you in body and fortune, to the utmost extent of my own and my subjects' abilities. But as the matters which they have mentioned to me in your name are of very high consideration and importance, concerning yourself and your noble state, and as I shall ever be most anxious to show my ready obedience to your will, I am unable at the moment to make them any reply, excepting that I would send you an answer as speedily as I could. This I have hitherto deferred, for I know you have near your person, and in your council, several of my bitter enemies, whom you ought to regard as yours also, and to whom I am unwilling that my answer, or my future intentions, should be made known : neither is it right they should be made acquainted with what concerns me, or have the opportunity of giving their opinions in council, or elsewhere, relative thereto. “I therefore assure you, most redoubted lord, in the fullest manner, that I am your humble son and nephew, ready at all times to obey you as my sovereign lord, and most heartily anxious to honour and exalt to the utmost of my power your crown and dignity, as well as that of the queen, the duke of Aquitaine, and all your other children and kingdom, and to advise you most loyally and faithfully, without ever concealing anything from you that may tend to the glory of your crown, or to the welfare of your realm. I have some time hesitated to denounce to you such of my enemies, and yours also, as are in your council and service, namely, the bishop of Tournay, the vidame d'Amiens, John de Neelles”, the lord de Heilly, Charles de Savoisy, Anthony des Essars, John de Courcelles, Peter de Fontenay and Maurice de Railly, who, by force or underhand means, are capable of doing me great mischief, insomuch that they have dismissed certain very able men from their offices, who were your trusty servants, and have done them very great and irreparable damages: they are guilty also of insinuating very many falsehoods, to keep myself and others, your relations and faithful servants, at a distance from you, by which, and other means equally dishonourable and iniquitous, long followed by them and their adherents, have they troubled the peace of the kingdom : nor is it very probable that so long as such persons shall remain in power, and in your service, any firm or lasting peace can be established; for they will always prevent you from doing justice to myself or to others, which ought indifferently to be done to all,—to the poor as well as to the rich. This conduct they pursue, because they know themselves guilty of many crimes, and especially John de Neelles and the lord de Heilly, who were accomplices in the murder of my late honoured father, and your only brother, under the protection of the duke of Burgundy, the principal in this crime. They are his sworn servants and pensioners, or allies to the said duke, whence they may be reputed actors and accomplices in this base and cowardly assassination. These accomplices, most redoubted lord, appear daily in your presence, and you ought to consider their crimes in the same light as if done personally against you, for indeed your authority was set at nought. “That I may now say all that I know, I am satisfied, that had not the course of your justice been checked by the aforesaid persons and their accomplices, ample justice would have been done for the death of my lord and father, and your brother, with the aid of your officers and loyal subjects, as I know for certain that they were well inclined to it. For this I am very thankful; and I most earnestly pray you, for your own honour, for that of the queen and of the duke of Aquitaine, as well as for the honour of your kingdom, that you would do good and fair justice, by causing these guilty persons to be arrested and punished, since they are equally your enemies as mine,—and that you would not longer admit to your presence and councils the partisans of the duke of Burgundy, but select in their places good, loyal, and able men, such as may be found in abundance in your kingdom. “When these things shall be done, I will then, under God's pleasure, send you such answer, that you may clearly know my inmost thoughts, and which shall prove satisfactory to God, to yourself, and to the world. For the love of God, I pray you, my most redoubted • Q. De Nesle? killed at Azincourt. His two sons, John III. and Guy

Guy III. de Nesle, lord of Offemont and Mello, was IV., followed him in succession. He had a third son, who grand-master of the household to queen Isabella, and was died with him at Azincourt.

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