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their dwellings, pursue them by every means in your power, shutting them out from all towns, and depriving them of provisions, and harassing them in every way deserving of their disobedience, and to serve as an example to others. “It is not, however, our intention that such of the princes of our blood as are now near our person, and in our service, should be prevented from ordering their vassals to come to them, or from employing them for our welfare, as they shall specify in their summons; but they must not, on their march, live on the country, or despoil the inhabitants. Should any of them do the contrary, we command you to proceed against them as against the aforesaid; and you will inflict on them such punishments as their demerits require, without paying regard to any letters of protection they may show to you. “To enable you to execute these our orders, we give you full authority to call upon and assemble all our vassals and subjects to your aid, and as many as you shall think necessary for the occasion, and to lead them to any parts of your bailiwick where you shall hear of any robberies or other rebellious acts being done. And we strictly enjoin, by these presents, all our vassals and subjects, on the faith and loyalty they owe us, and under pain of corporal punishment and confiscation of goods, to obey your orders, and to assist you heartily to accomplish the above commands. That no one may pretend ignorance of them, you will cause these presents to be proclaimed in all the different parts of your bailiwick, or wherever else you shall judge proper. We also command all our officers of justice, and others having authority under us, and we entreat all our friends and wellwishers, to aid and support you on this service, and diligently to keep up a good understanding with you thereon, and to show you every favour, even allowing their dwellings to be turned into prisons, should the exigency of any case require it, for we delegate to you full and complete authority, notwithstanding any opposition or appeal made to the contrary. Given at Paris the 6th day of June, in the year of Grace 1413, and of our reign the 33d.” Then signed by the king, on the report of his council,-at which were present my lords of Berry, Burgundy, the constable, the chancellor of Burgundy, Charles de Savoisy, Anthony de Craon, the lords de Viefville, de Montberon, Cambrilach, d'Allegrez, and many others. —“P. NAUCRON.” This edict was sent to the different bailiwicks and seneschalships in the kingdom of France, and proclaimed in the usual places.


This year, Ladislaus king of Naples and Sicily, at the instigation of some false and disloyal traitors, marched a very large army to Rome, which he entered without resistance, and began to pillage the whole of it, at the same time making prisoners the most powerful and rich citizens, who were forced to ransom themselves by paying heavy sums of money. Pope John and his cardinals witnessing these transactions, took flight in the utmost fear, and escaped from castle to castle, until they at length reached Bologna, where the pope fixed his court. The greater part of their estates were despoiled by this army of Ladislaus, who for a long time reigned in Rome; and when, in consequence of certain accommodations he departed, he carried away many precious jewels from the churches and palaces.

Sir James de la Riviere, brother to the count de Dampmartin, was taken prisoner with the duke of Bar, in the hôtel of the duke of Aquitaine, and carried to the palace-prison, where it was reported, that from indignation at this treatment, he had struck himself so roughly with a pewter-pot on the head as to beat his brains out. His body was thence carried in a cart to the market-place of Paris, and beheaded. But the truth was otherwise; for sir Elion de Jacqueville, knight to the duke of Burgundy, visiting him in prison, high words passed between them, and he called him a false traitor. Sir James replied, that he lied, for that he was none such,-when Jacqueville, enraged, struck him so severe a blow on the head with a light battle-axe which he had in his hand, that he killed him. He then spread abroad this rumour of his having put an end to his life himself by means of a pewter pot, which was propagated by others through the town, and believed by very many. Shortly after this event, Mesnil Berry, carver to the duke of Aquitaine, and a native of Normandy, was led to the market-place, and there beheaded. His head and that of sir James de la Riviere were affixed to two lances, and their bodies hung by the shoulders on the gibbet of Montfaucon. On the Thursday in Whitsun-week, Thomelin de Brie, who had been page to the king, was, with two others, taken from the prison of the Châtelet to the market-place, and beheaded; their heads were fixed on three spears, and their bodies hung at Montfaucon by the shoulders. These executions took place at the request of the Parisians. And because sir Reginald" de Corbie, a native of Beauvais, though an old and discreet man, was not agreeable to them, he was dismissed from his office of Chancellor of France, and sir Eustache de Lactre+, at the solicitation of the duke of Burgundy, appointed to succeed him. On Tuesday, the 20th of June, Philip count de Nevers espoused, at the castle of Beaumont, the sister of the count d'Eu, in the presence of the duchess of Bourbon, her mother, and the damsel of Dreux, who had been principally instrumental in forming this marriage. After the festivities of the wedding, the new-married couple were conducted by the duchess of Bourbon and the damsel of Dreux to Maizieres, on the Meuse, which belonged to the count de Nevers. The count d'Eu, who had been of the party, soon after returned to his country, where he collected a large body of men-at-arms, to the amount of two thousand combatants, under the pretext of making war on the lord de Croy, in revenge for an attack made upon him some time since, as has been mentioned, by his eldest son sir John de Croy; but it was not so, for he marched his army across the Seine, at Pont-de-l'Arche, and thence Werneuil in Perche, where were assembled king Louis of Sicily, the dukes of Orleans, Brittany, and Bourbon, the counts de Vertus and d'Alençon, with many other great barons, lords, and knights, not only on account of the imprisonment of the dukes of Bar and Bavaria, or of the other prisoners, but for the deliverance of the duke of Aquitaine, who had informed them by letters, which had been confirmed by the count de Vertus, that he himself, the king, and the queen, were kept as prisoners under the control of the Parisians, and that they were not allowed any liberty, which was highly displeasing to them, and disgraceful to royalty. This had caused so large an assembly of these great lords, who, after mature consideration, wrote letters to the king, to his great council, and to the Parisians, desiring them to allow the duke of Aquitaine to go whithersoever he pleased, and to set at liberty the dukes of Bar and of Bavaria, and all other prisoners. Should they refuse to comply, they declared war against the town of Paris, which they would destroy to the utmost of their power, and all within it, except the king and such of his royal blood as may have therein remained. With regard to those that had been murdered, they said nothing of them; for as they were dead, they could not have them back. These letters were laid before the king in council, where it was determined to send ambassadors to these lords to negotiate a peace, who were kindly received by them. On Saturday, the first day of July, after his trial had been concluded, sir Peter des Essars, lately provost of Paris, and son to the late Philippe des Essars, a citizen of that town, was beheaded in the market-place, his head fixed on the market-house, and his body hung at Montfaucon in the usual manner. His brother, sir Anthony, was in great danger of being also executed; but through the activity of some friends, a delay of his trial was procured, and he afterwards obtained his full liberty. In these days, as the king was in good health, he went to the cathedral of Paris to say his prayers and hear mass. When it was over, he visited the holy relics: he departed and returned to his hotel, accompanied by the duke of Burgundy and the constable of France, and followed by crowds of people who had assembled to see him. On the morrow, the 6th of July, it was ordered in the king's council, presided by the duke of Aquitaine, that John de Moreul, knight to the duke of Burgundy, should be the bearer of letters and royal summons to the two bailiwicks of Amiens and of Vermandois, and to all the provostships within * Called “Ernault” a little after, which agrees with de Corbie in 1413, and is succeeded by Eustache de

Moreri's Arnold.—See ante, p. 208, note. Laitre in 1418. t In Moreri's list, Henry de Marle succeeds Arnauld

them. He was commanded to assemble all the prelates, counsellors, and magistrates of these districts, and then, in full meeting, to read aloud these letters from the king, sealed with his great seal, and dated this 6th day of July. Countersigned “John Millet,” according to the resolution of council, at which had been present the duke of Burgundy, the constable of France, the chancellor of Aquitaine, the chancellor of Burgundy, and several others. These letters contained, in substance, an exhortation that they would remain steady and loyal in their duty to the king, and be ready to serve him or the dauphin whenever and wherever they should be summoned to march against the enemies of the kingdom and the public weal; that they should place confidence in his knight, counsellor and chamberlain, sir John de Moreul, according to the instructions given him under the king's privy seal, which he was to show and give them to read. When he had visited many towns and provostships in these bailiwicks, he came on Monday the 16th day of July, from Dourlens to Amiens, and there, in the presence of the nobles, prelates, and principal inhabitants of the great towns within the district, he read his letters and instructions with a clear and loud voice, for he was a man of great eloquence. He explained how much the peace and union of the kingdom had been and was troubled; how the trials of those who had been beheaded at Paris were carried on before a sufficient number of able and honest men, as well knights as advocates of the parliament, and other lords and discreet men, who had been nominated for this purpose by the king; and how sir James de la Riviere, in despair, had killed himself with a pewter pot in which he had had wine, as well as the manner in which he had done it. The charges which were brought against those who had been beheaded occupied each sixty sheets of paper, and he assured them, that good and impartial justice had been administered to all who had been executed, without favour or hatred having any concern in their just sentences. He asserted, that the duke of Aquitaine had never written such letters to the princes of the Orleans party as they had published; and he concluded,—“Know then, all ye present, that what I have just being saying are notorious truths.” After this, he asked whether they were loyal and obedient to the king, and desired they would tell him their intentions. The nobles and prelates, and the rest of the assembly, instantly replied, that they had always been obedient to the king, and were ready to serve him, believing that he had told them the truth. In confirmation of this, he required letters from the provost, with which he returned to Paris. In like manner were other knights sent, in the king's name, with similar letters and instructions to the different bailiwicks and seneschalships within the realm, who, being equally successful, returned with letters of the same import. While these things were passing, the English appeared off the coast of Normandy with a large fleet of ships, and landed at the town of Treport, where having plundered all they could find, and made some prisoners, they set fire to it, and burnt the town and monastery, and also some of the adjoining villages. When they had remained about twenty-two hours on shore, they re-embarked and made sail for England with their booty.


On Wednesday, the 12th day of July, the ambassadors whom the king and the dukes of Aquitaine, Berry, and Burgundy, had sent to the princes of the blood, namely, the bishop of Tournay, the grand-master of Rhodes, the lords d'Offemont, and de la Viefville, master Peter de Marigny, and some others, returned from their embassy. The answer they had brought having been soon after considered in council, the king ordered the dukes of Berry and Burgundy to go with the aforesaid ambassadors to Pontoise, when the king of Sicily, the dukes of Orleans and of Bourbon, the counts d'Alençon and d'Eu, came to Vernon, and thence sent their ambassadors to Pontoise, to explain to the dukes of Berry and Burgundy, and the other ambassadors, the causes of their griefs, and the great miseries that must ensue should the war take place that was on the point of breaking out.

One of their ambassadors harangued well in clear and good French on the above subjects: the substance of what he said was as follows. “To explain what has been intrusted to us by our lords, namely, the king of Sicily, the dukes of Orleans and of Bourbon, the counts

Pontoise, as it appeared in the Sixteenth Century.—From a print in Chastillion's Topographie Françoise.

d’Alençon and d'Eu, to you, my very redoubted lords of Berry and Burgundy, and to the gentlemen of the great council of the king and of my lord of Aquitaine, now in their company, since it becomes me to speak the words of peace, trusting in Him who is the sole author of peace, and in the good will of my hearers, I shall take my text from the 33d Psalm, “Oculi mei semper ad Dominum;’ that is to say, My eyes are always turned to the Lord; and continue my discourse from what the wise Plato says, among other notable things, that all princes or others intrusted with the affairs of government should obey the commands of their sovereign in all they shall do for the public welfare, laying aside every private consideration for their own advantage, and regard themselves as part of a whole, the smallest member of which being wounded, the effect is felt by the head or chief lord. “I consider, therefore, the kingdom of France as a body, of which our sovereign lord the king is the head, and his subjects the members. But in what degree shall I place my lords the princes who have sent us hither, or you, my lords, who hear me? for we know of no other head but our sovereign lord.—I can neither liken you to the head nor to the aforesaid members, on account of your rank; but I think I may compare you to the members nearest to the head, for among them may be counted the eyes, which are of the greatest use to it. I shall consequently compare you to the eyes, and for three singularly good reasons. “First, the eyes ought to be well placed and formed alike; for should one be placed differently from the other, half closed or awry, the whole person is disgraced and acquires the name of Blind or Squinter. Now, it seems to me, that as my lords who have sent us, and you, my lords, who hear me, have persons handsomely made, you ought to be of one mind, and tending towards good; for you have eyes of a clear understanding, and of real affection, “Oculi sapientis in capite ejus.”—Secondly, the eyes are the most striking parts of the human body, and have a full view over every part of it, as the prophet Ezekiel says, in his 33d chapter, “Speculatorem dedi te domui Israel.’ Just so are our princes of the blood, for from their singular and strong affection to their sovereign lord and his kingdom, they constantly watch over and guard him.—Thirdly, from the nobleness of the eye, which is of a circular form, and of such sensibility that when any other member of the body is hurt, or struck with grief, it weeps, as the prophet Jeremiah says in the 19th chapter, “Plorans, plorabit, et educet oculus meus lachrymam quia captus est grex Domini.' In like manner Valerius Maximus relates, in his 8th book, that when Marcellus the tyrant saw his city despoiled by the enemy, who had taken it by storm, he could not refrain from weeping, which was becoming a real eye. Certainly it ought to bewail the pain of its members, as Codrus, duke of Athens, did, who caused himself to be slain to gain a victory over his enemies, as is related by Julius Frontinus, and this same Valerius Maximus in his 8th book. And because all our lords are and ought to be of the same stamp, I have compared them thereto by saying, ‘ Oculi mei semper ad Dominum.' “As for me, being the spokesman of those who have been charged to come hither by our lords, we do not think of comparing ourselves to eyes, but solely to the very humble servants of the eye, being no greater parts of the members than the nail on the little finger, ready at the calls of our superiors; and from their commands have we been led to speak of such high eoncerns, which was matter of great grievance to us; but it is for the sake of peace, and in obedience to the eye, ‘Oculi mei semper ad Dominum ; for in all times, every one should obey his lord, more especially when he is in adversity,+as Tully says in his Treatise on Friendship, Come to thy friend in prosperity, when he calls thee; but when he shall be in adversity, wait not to be called. I apply this to all landholders who are not the immediate ministers of a king, or of the Lord, according to the apostle St. Peter, who says in his second chapter, ‘Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake, whether it be to the king as supreme,’ &c. And again, “Be obedient in the fear of our Lord, not only to the good and just but to the ignorant.' Thus may every one repeat the text I have chosen, “Oculi mei semper ad Dominum.' “Notwithstanding my lords who have sent us hither having the eyes of clear understand. ing, and affected with a true love to their sovereign as the head of the whole body of this Christian kingdom, are fearful that what Isaiah says in his 8th chapter may be applied to them ; ‘Speculatores ejus cæci omnes; and that they may be said to resemble the hog who devours the fruit that falls from the tree, without ever looking up to the tree whence it falls. Nevertheless, they having considered the events that have lately taken place in Paris, are full of grief lest the whole body of the kingdom should consequently suffer such destruction, as from its continuation, may be mortal to it, which God, out of his gracious mercy, avert “In the first place, they have heard of the arrests and executions of the servants of the king, queen, and duke of Aquitaine, to whom alone belongs the cognizance of any offences committed by them, and to none others. They have also been informed that the same conduct has been followed in regard to the ladies and damsels of the queen and the duchess of Aquitaine, which things, from honour to the queen their mistress, as well as for the respect due to the female sex and to modesty, ought not to have been done. The laws declare and command, under heavy penalties, that modest women shall not be publicly handled ; and the honour of their families would seem to assure them of not being so treated, for which they make loud lamentations. Notwithstanding that the cognizance of any crime committed by a prince of the royal blood belongs solely to the king, the duke of Bar has been imprisoned, who is cousin-german to the king our lord, which causes much sorrow to our lords, more particularly to the king and queen of Sicily (who is his niece), who loudly cry out for his deliverance, as well as for that of duke Louis of Bavaria, brother to the queen. They are more hurt at the form and manner in which they were arrested; for, according to what has been told them, they were seized by those who were not king's officers, nor had any authority for so doing from him, but merely by a mob of common people, who forcibly broke down the doors of the king's and the duke of Aquitaine's apartments, saying to the latter many rude and impudent things, which, as is reported, have greatly displeased him; and they are particularly anxious to know why such disgraceful acts were done, as they are ignorant what could have caused them. “Could any just reasons be alleged, they would not be so much astonished as they now are. But to continue : it has been told them that my lord is even deprived of his liberty, and that he cannot leave his hôtel, or at least that he is not suffered to go out of Paris; and that no one of his kindred, or of any high rank, are suffered to converse with him, but only

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