a naked offer of pardon, upon terms, the very idea of which are abhorrent to the nature of every fubject of this free government. The Minifters well knew that they would never voluntarily accept the terms of unconditional fubmiffion, and they intentionally drove them, though they dare neither avow the defign nor the motives, to the only remaining alternative of refiftance, and its fcarcely avoidable confequence, the declaration of independence. To prevent, however, the poffibility of any change of difpofition, the effect of any alle-, viating circumftances, and to render them totally enraged and defperate, the commiffion, fuch as it was, and the Commiffioners, were detained for feveral months, until the whole fyftem of irritation and punishment of the penal laws, including (what they called) the indifcriminate injuice and cruelty of the Capture Act, by which they were declared enemies, put out of the protection of the law, and their property held out as a common fpoil, had full time and fcope for their operation. Nor could any fubmiffion, however general and unconditional, mitigate their calamities, as there were no perfons upon the fpot, who had authority to receive it if offered, nor to relax or fufpend the feverity of the laws

in favour of those who returned to

their duty. Yet now the nation are to be ftill mifled, and farther inflamed, by holding out an idea, that equitable and gracious means of conciliation had been propofed to the Americans, and by them rejected with the most unparalleled fcorn and infolence.

The pofition in the fpeech, that no people ever enjoyed greater

happiness, or lived under a milder government, than the revolted colonies, in fupport of which their improvement in arts, their number, their wealth, and their strength by fea and land, were brought in proof, was faid to imply a virtual and moft juft cenfure on the conduct of adminiftration. Upon what principle of wisdom or policy was fuch a people forced into rebellion ? This power and greatnefs, which compofed a part of our own, and which was not to be equalled in the hiftory of colenization by any other people, owed its growth to the juft and equal fyftem of the English laws and conftitution, and to the bleffings of a mild and equitable government. Why was this admirable fyftem of wisdom and equity, which produced fuch noble, nay wonderful effects, departed from? The speech holds out, that the prefent measures are intended to restore the bleffings of law and liberty to America. Why were thofe bleffings interrupted? Will their being offered at the point of the bayonet increase their value? Why was the fair fabrick which had been the work of fo many ages deftroyed, in order to reeftablish that by the sword, which prudence and good government, had already feemed to fix for ever?

The amicable and pacific fentiments attributed to other powers, at the time that all Europe was armed in fuch a manner, as bespoke the most immediate defign or apprehenfion of hoftility, was equally animadverted on, and reprefented as a part of that principle of deception and impofition, which, as they affirmed, run through the whole. In this inftance, the Mi

nifter's

nitter's actions gave the moft direct and unqualified contradiction to his words. At the very time, that he was holding out this delufive appearance of fecurity to parliament, the whole nation was alarmed and thrown into confufion, and its commerce ruined, by the unexpected iffue of prefs warrants, together with the unufual circumftances of rigour and violence with which they were carried into execution. Here his conduct is open and undifguifed, and removes at once that veil of deception which involves his declarations.

The expectation of unanimity from the prefent fituation of affairs, was treated as a matter of unbecoming levity, as well as of difrefpect to thofe to whom it was directed. Was ever any thing more truly ridiculous, (faid the Oppofition) than the calling for unanimity in measures, because thofe measures had been uniformly productive of all the mifchiefs which have been forefeen and predicted? As we have uniformly oppofed, faid they, the whole train of these deftructive measures, in explaining the motives of our conduct, we have as conftantly stated their natural confequences, which amounted to an exact prediction of all thofe evils that have enfued. No prophecies were ever more accurately fulfilled. And now, when the empire is fevered, America for ever loft, when diftraction prevails at home, and ruin furrounds us without, the Minister, with a degree of facetioufnefs and humour, which might obtain credit in another place, and upon other occafions, takes it for granted, that we shall now be unanimous, in the fupport of that ruinous

fyftem, and the profecution of thofe deftructive meafures, which have already brought on all our calamities.

It was infifted, that nothing could fave this country, from still more fatal confequences than those which it had already experienced, but an immediate recal of the armies from America, a repeal of all the penal and obnoxious laws against that people, and a full reftoration of their charters and rights. That these measures, operating upon the established habits, and upon the natural affection of the Americans, might still prove the means of re uniting the fevered parts of the empire. But that if irritation, a bitterness proceeding from the loffes they have fuftained, and the cruelties they fuffered, with a relish for the novel fweetnefs of power and cominand, and a knowledge of their strength, fhould operate fo far on the fide of the Americans, as to render this confummation (which of all others was the most devoutly to be wished) impracticable, if fuch was found to be our unhappy fituation, nothing in that cafe was left to be done, upon any principle of found reafon and right policy, but immediately to acknowledge their independence, and by concluding a commercial and federal treaty of union with them, again to collect together fuch fmall part as could yet be retained of thofe glorious advantages, which in the high career of our pride, injuftice and madnefs, we had fcattered abroad.

It availed nothing now, they faid, to reflect upon what we were, or what we had loft; we muft conform ourselves with prudence to our prefent fituation, or

[C] 3

get

They ftrongly afferted, that a war with the whole House of Bourbon, in conjunction with our late friends and fellow - fubjects the Americans, must be the inevitable, and not diftant, confequence of a perseverance in our prefent measures. Our ally, Portugal, whom we were bound by every tie to protect, was already menaced with immediate danger. If we even fubmitted to the degradation in the eyes of all Europe, of facrificing our ally, our faith, and our intereft, to prefent apprehenfion of danger, that would afford no permanent fecurity, as the prefent conduct of France and Spain, the nature of their preparations, and the fupport which they already afforded the Americans, fufficiently fhewed the part which they would take in our unhappy civil contention.

Were we now then in a condition, when we found ourselves unable, with all the affiftance we could derive from our mercenary auxiliaries, only to reduce our own revolted fubjects, to encounter the whole force of the Houfe of Bourbon, united with that of the Americans? Our national defence by fea and land lay now in America, and in a great measure at the mercy

then a feafon, with an accumulating debt, a decreafing revenue, an exhausture of our resources, with divided counfels, and a distracted people at the verge of political defpair, to engage in fo arduous a conteft? In fo dire and calamitous a fituation, a speedy reconciliation, upon any terms, with the colonies, was the only means left of political falvation. Grievous and painful though the lofs of America would be, it was not, however, the upfhot of calamity. The queftion of the Americans being our friends, or being in confirmed enmity, and in compact with our natural enemies, went perhaps to that of our exiftence as a state.

Upon thefe and many other grounds, they reprobated the propofed addreffes in both houses, which they charged with fubfcribing to the ill-founded panegyricks which the Minifters had compofed upon themselves in the speech, with involving the nation in a continuance of the fame ruinous measures which had occafioned all its calamities, and with giving a parliamentary fanction to a number of mifre prefentations and fallacies, calculated merely to amufe, deceive, mislead, or inflame the people.

Whilft they contended, that the amendments would afford that time and opportunity to parliament, which their duty, a proper regard to their own dignity, and the alarming state of public affairs, all equally demanded, for enquiring diligently into the ftate of the nation, tracing the fources of our prefent calamities, and for confidering and devifing all poffible means of averting the innumerable dan

gers

rounded.

On the other fide, the fpeech was defended in all its parts; its veracity, prudence, juftice, and magnanimity, being equally fupported and applauded. It was affirmed to be replete with the ftrongest marks of found policy and royal wisdom, as well as with indubitable proofs of the greatest paternal regard and tenderness, for the profperity, happiness, and freedom, of all the fubjects of this empire, however remote or feparated. The amendment to the addrefs was opposed, as bringing matters forward, which, for the prefent, formed no part of the bufinefs before parliament. If Minifters had neglected their duty; if they fuffered themselves to be deceived; or if they mifled parlia ment; thefe, or any of them, might be proper objects of enquiry at a fuitable and convenient season. But this was neither the time, nor could those matters be the proper fubject of the prefent addrefs. The only queftion now before them, that was worthy of debate, was very fimple in its nature, comprizable in a small compafs, and easily decided. It was only, whether we chose to refign all the benefits which we derived from our colonies, all those fruits, to which our vaft expenditure of blood and treasure in their nurture and defence, gave us a moft legal and equitable right, and by truckling to the defiance and infuit hurled at us by the Americans, cut off at once the fources of our power and opulence, and submit of confequence to a degradation from that rank which we now hold in the political fyftem of mankind, or whe

power, whilft yet in ftrength and vigour, we preferve all thofe ad. vantages, affert our ancient glory, reftore the fupreme and indivifible authority of the British legislature, and bring our ungrateful and rebellious fubjects to a due sense of their duty and dependence.

Thefe, fay they, are the great objects under the confideration of parliament. The declaration of independency has done away all other queftions on the American fubject. Taxation, legal rights, charters, and acts of navigation, are now no more. That whirlpool has fwallowed them all within its vortex. It was only through the ftrength derived from her colonies, that this nation was enabled to hold a first place among the greatest powers in Europe. Take them away, and the finks into nothing. Her very existence, as an independent nation, will be at stake. It is only now then to be determined, whether, without an effort, we fhall fubmit ingloriously to inevitable ruin, or whether, by a vigorous exertion, we retain our ufual power and fplendor.

It was not, however, doubted, that, even independently of motives of intereft and fafety, the unparalleled bafenefs and ingratitude of the Americans, with the daring infolency of their conduct, would roufe the British fpirit in fuch a manner that it would take fpeedy and effectual measures for their chastisement.

But, notwithstanding that the atrociousness of their crimes would nearly juftity any feverity of punishment, it was still wished, that when brought to a proper knowledge of their duty and condition, they should be

treated

treated with lenity; far from the infinuation held out in the amendment, of reducing them to a fervile or abject fubmiffion.

Some of the young lords were fevere upon the factious fpirit which prevailed here, as well as in America; attributing it to the former, that the latter had been brought into action. And it was infifted, that as the oppofition had hitherto avowedly formed their conduct, upon an opinion, that the Americans had never defigned, or even aimed at independency, and had reprobated every idea of that nature, with an abhorrence equal to that fhewn on their fide, they were now bound, in conformity with their own words and principles, to fupport, with the utmoft vigour, those measures which were neceffary for their reduction. That this was the ground of unanimity held out in the fpeech, and which had been treated with fuch ridicule and afperity, though no conclufion could be fairer drawn, whilft it was fuppofed they acted upon any line of confiftency. That their unanimity now in fupport of government, was the fmalleft reparation which they could make to the nation, for the countenance they had unhappily given, and the fhare they confequently held in fomenting the prefent difturbances. And that it was to be hoped, they would now, by candidly confeffing their error, convince the world they were only mistaken, and not intentionally wrong.

The ideas of defpondency, which were held out on the other fide, were faid to be as chimerical, as the alarming reprefentation of public affairs, to which they belonged, was unfounded. The happy fuc

cefs which had already attended our arms in America, afforded fufficient room for the ftrongest hopes, that the troubles there would be speedily terminated. That they would probably prove a fource of happiness on all fides, as they would aford an opportunity for fixing the government of the colonies on a permanent bafis, and finally fetthing all thofe queftions which had hitherto been the cause of debate. That nothing was wanting to bring affairs to this wished, for crifis, but unanimity here, and vigour in America. That the enfuing campaign, fuppofing every obftacle which could take place, would undoubtedly be conclufive in its effect. And that in this ftate of things it could not be conceived, how any friend to the interests of this country, could wish to weaken hands of government, or hesitate a moment in agreeing to the addrefs, when the measures to which it was intended to give a fanction, were the only means to fave the British empire from certain ruin and deftruction.

the

The appearances of danger from foreign powers, were in part denied; in part palliated. It was faid, that the ftrongest affurances of amity continued to be received from France; that the differences between Spain and Portugal were likely to be accommodated; and that our arming, induced other powers alfo to arm, from motives merely of prudence and caution. They alfo recurred to the old doctrine, that it being directly contrary to the intereft, it could not be fuppofed confonant to the defire of France or Spain, that any powerful independent ftate fhould be eftablished in America, Such an