event must interfere with their commercial interefts in both worlds; the idea of independence might become contagious, and fpread to their own colonies; and they might be immediately endangered by the power and ambition of a new and rifing ftate. If any finifter defigns were, however, lurking, they had no escaped, they faid, the penetrating eyes of our minifters, who, by their prefent fpirited preparation, had put it out of the power of any infidious rival, or enemy, to take us by furprize, or to convert the fituation of our affairs to their advantage. A conduct replete with fuch wisdom, that it merited the warmest approbation, inftead of captious enquiries, and a difpofition to draw unfavourable conclu fions. The minifter took fome pains in the House of Commons, to reconcile the apparent contradiction which had been alledged, between the affurances of amity held out in the speech, and the prefent fudden armament. He avowed the paffage and the measure by acknowledging his advice to both; and afferted, that the one was ftrictly true, and both perfectly confiftent. It was not deemed prudent to rely fo far upon any affurances, as to be off our guard; and as other powers were arming, it was determined we should be prepared for all events. Such was the state of warfare between the two parties. The numbers in favour of miniftry continued nearly as ufual; but it was obferved, that the spirit of the debate on their fide visibly flackened. The addreffes were not defended with the accustomed animation in either houfe. The great and almoft uniform fucceffes of the campaign, having produced no effect whatever towards a pacification, had fomewhat damped the expectations which had been generally formed from a fyftem of coercion. The armament in our ports announced more apprehenfions from foreign powers, than were removed by the declarations, or the arguments, of the minifters on the fubjett. A great and growing expence was forefeen. It was admitted, that the reduction of America was no longer to be confidered as the work of a campaign. On the other hand, though the advantages obtained in America had not produced all the effect that was expected by fanguine expectants, yet it appeared abfurd to defert the purfuit of a great objec in the very midft of victory. Befides, the declaration of independency feemed a great bar to accommodation. Without doors, it produced the full effect propofed by the fpeech, by adding greatly to the alienation of the people at large from the Americans, their caufe, and their pretenfions. Ministry certainly derived from thence no fmall degree of ftrength throughout the nation The The quellion upon the amendment being put in the House of Commons, the motion was rejected by a majority of 242, to 87, being almost three to one. main queftion being then brought forward, the original addrefs was carried in nearly the fame proportion, the numbers being 232, to 83. The majority in the House of Lords was, as ufual, ftill greater, the the amendment being rejected by 91 Lords, including nine proxies, to 26 Lords only, who fupported the motion upon a divifion. The CHAP. propofed amendment was entered at full length as a proteft, and figned by fourteen Peers. III. Motion Debates upon a proclamation issued in America by the Commiffioners. for a revifal of the American laws by Lord John Cavendish. Motion rejected by a great majority. Seceffion. Arguments urged for and against the propriety of a partial feceffion. 45,000 feamen voted. Debate on naval affairs. Supplies for the naval and the land fervice. Recefs. N a few days after the prefent- by Lord John Cavendish, he feem Ing for the addrefies, a declara tion from Lord Howe and his brother, which had been iffued in America foon after the taking of New York, addreffed to the people at large of that continent, and calculated to induce feparate bodies of them, independently of the Congrefs, to negociate with the Commiffioners upon terms of conciliation, made its firft appearance here in one of the common papers of the morning. It was remarked, that although the ufual Gazette had been published the evening before, and an extraordinary one, giving an account of the taking of New York, on the preceding day, ncither of thefe had taken any notice of this public inftrument. In this proclamation the Commiffioners acquaint the Americans, with his Majefty's being gracioufly pleafed to direct a revifion of fuch of his royal inftructions, as may be conftrued to lay an improper reftraint upon the freedom of legiflation in any of his colonies, and to concur in the revifal of all fuch acts, by which his fubjects there may think themselves aggrieved. Nov. 6th. This piece being brought into the Houfe ed to confider it as a news-paper forgery, and, in that light, a most daring impofition upon the public; fuppofing, that if it had been authentic, its firft public appearance must have been either on their own journals or in the Gazette. He therefore called upon the Minifters, to be fatis fied as to the authenticity of the paper. The Minifters acknowledged that fuch a proclamation had been publifhed, and that they did not doubt but the paper now read was a true copy of it. The noble propofer expreffed his aftonishment both at the contents of the declaration, and the accidental manner in which a matter of that moment and nature came to the knowledge of the Houfe. He obferved, that in the whole courfe of the American bufinefs, the Minifters had treated parliament with a degree of indignity, and marks of contempt, which were not only before unknown, but which no credulity could have believed poffible, whilst the fhadow or name of the conftitution remained, and the relative fituation of Minifters in this country was remembered. They were, he faid, in every instance, treated merely merely as cyphers, excepting when they were ufed as the inftruments in fome odious work. When their name was wanted in fuch cafes, they were called on, by way of requifition, to give a fanction to acts which rendered them abhorred by their fellow-fubjects in every part of the empire. When these meafures, through their own enormity, failed in the execution, the odium was left to rest upon the head of parliament, whilft the crown and its minifters, affuming a moderation and lenity, which they find neceffary, when experience has taught them the impracticability, and, perhaps, danger, of the defign, become all at once the oftenfible mediators between them and the people, undertaking to reftrain their violence, or to rectify their injuftice, and thus obtain the merit of whatever degree of grace it is then found proper to mete out, holding them ftill in the fingular fituation of being reprobated for all unpopular acts, and being neither thanked or confidered for thofe which are kind or favourable. Thus, in the prefent inftance, Commiffioners are fent out with an intention of carrying a certain act of parliament into execution, armed at the fame time with certain parliamentary powers for reftoring peace; thefe powers, having been narrowed to the minifter's tafte, extend no farther than to the receiving of fubmiffion, and the granting pardons. Thefe, as might well be expected, are found utterly ineffective. When, lo! to their aftonifhment, as well as that of all others, parliament difcover, by chance, through the medium of a common news-paper, that they are to undertake a revi fion of all thofe laws of their own making, by which they had aggrieved the Americans. Yet, however difagreeable this treatment was to himself, and must be to every perfon who regarded the dignity of that House, or who reflected, that the conftitution could fubfift no longer, than while the different parts of the legislature were kept in due poife and proper balance, with respect to each other, as well as to the peo le at large, his Lordship faid, that notwithftanding he felt a dawn of joy break in upon his mind at the bare mention of reconciliation, whatever colour the meafures might wear that led to fo defirable an event. The great object of reftoring peace and unity to this diftracted empire, outweighed fo far with him all other prefent confiderations, that he not only would overlook punctilios upon that account, but even fuch matters of real import, as would upon any other occafion call all his powers into action. Without any further obfervation then on the engagements entered into by the Minifters for parliament, he thought it highly neceffary to embrace the opportunity of their being feized with fo happy a difpofition, and to give them all poffible weight and affistance towards carrying it into effect, and bringing the prefent troubles to a fpeedy and happy termination. The fanction of parliament, he faid, to their propofitions, was ab folutely neceflary for this purpose, For the Minifters themselves were not lefs convinced than every other perfon, that they could not hold out any proposals to the Americans, however equitable in appear ance, ance, or even candid in fact, which the latter would not fufpect of covering fome treachery, and of being infidiously intended, by deceiving or dividing them, to deprive them by circumvention and fraud of thofe liberties, which they found force infufficient to deftroy. In fuch circumstances of difruft, all attempts of negociation must be fruidlefs. The fanction of parliament will then come in happily to afford that confidence, without which no treaty can ever produce an amicable conclufion; fo that if the Minifters are really ferious and honeft in their propofals, and are not playing that part which the Americans always charge and fufpect them with, they will, inftead of oppofing, chearfully accept of that aid and fupport, which can alone give effect to this measure. On thefe grounds his Lordship moved, that the Houfe fhould refolve itself into a committee, to confider of the revifal of all acts of parliament, by which his Majesty's fubjects in America think themselves aggrieved. The Minifters denied, that there was any thing novel, any thing that bore the appearance of leading, or that carried any defign of dictating to parliament, in the promife held out by the Commiffioners. On the contrary, as it was founded on the great principle which had pervaded the conduct of administration from the beginning, fo it was the language of parliament at the very outfet. The great object of both, was the reftoration of peace in America. The addrefs of both Houfes in February 1775, the bills which followed that addrefs, the act of parliament under which the Commiffioners acted, 5 and their declaration, which is now held up as an object of offence, all tended to the fame point. The parliament had delegated the authority now exercifed, fpecifically in the act, and generally by the addrefs. The leading object of the addrefs, was a recommendation to his Majefty to hear and enquire into grievances, to traufmit an account of them home, and to engage, on the part of the legislature, that where grievances really exifted, they fhould be redreffed. The proclamation goes no farther. Even without these fanctions, the King, as the head and mouth, both of the nation and legislature, would have been warranted in fuch an engagement, as a motive of encouragement, and ground of reconciliation. Should it be faid, that no redrefs of grievances would be afforded? or that the King could not venture to engage for the other parts of the legislature in an act of juftice, left it should be conftrued into a violation of their rights? The charges against the Minifters of endeavouring to keep this tranfaction fecret, and of hiding their conduct from the knowledge and infpection of parliament, were faid to be equally groundless. Could any intended or poffible privacy be fuppofed, with respect to a public proclamation, which was pofted for the inspection of all mankind upon the walls and houfes of New York? The idea was abfurd. The Minifters did not indeed think it of fufficient moment to be laid before parliament. It was as yet no treaty nor part of a treaty, it was barely a preliminary which might poffibly lead to one. Had a negociation been even com menced, menced, it would have been equally abfurd and improper to communicate it to parliament during its progrefs, unless it was fufpended at fome point, upon which the intervention of parliament became neceffary. Thus the negociation between Mr. Pitt and M. de Busly was not published during its pendency. The motion was oppofed upon many grounds. It was faid, that it would difcredit the Commiffioners, and throw unexpected difficulties in the way of a negociation, which was probably already begun, and perhaps confiderably advanced. It was now in their hands, in the common, natural, and regular course of business; why then undo whatever has been done, and difgrace the Commiffioners, by taking it from them, without fome fufficient motive? If it should be faid, that the motion would not detract from the powers of the Commiffioners, but, on the contrary, increase them; though the affertion is not admitted, yet other objections equally conclufive would lie againit the measure even upon that ground. By giving them the fanction propofed by the motion, it would evidently appear, that they were not before armed with parliamentary powers fufficient to fulfil the profeffed objects of their commiflion; a circumstance which muft paturally excite the jealoufy of the Americans, and fill them with the most alarming doubts, as to their real views, and the true object of their mission. Befides, why fhould parliament run before the Commiffioners in their concefions? Who knows but that the Americans would be fatisfied with far lefs than we fhould here accord to them? By this premature bounty, we might defeat the endeavours of the Commillioners to obtain the moft advantageous terms for the crown, the parliament, and the trading intereft of this kingdom. The That to revife or repeal laws, under the idea of redreffing the grievances of a people, who totally denied the authority of those laws, and who confequently could not be aggrieved by them, would be an abfurdity of fo fuperlative a degree, as could not fail exciting the ridicule of mankind. Americans have declared themfelves independent: what avails it to deliberate upon the conceffions, which we are willing, or it is fitting for us to make, until we know whether any conceffion will bring them back to an acknowledgment of our authority? Shall we admit of their independency, by treating with them as fovereign ftates? or fhall we fubject ourselves to their contempt and derifion, by debating upon the degree of authority which we fhall exercise over those, who totally deny our right and power to exercife any? In a word, faid they, the queftion of independency must first be fettled as a preliminary, before any treaty can be entered into, or any conceffion made. Let them give that up, and acknowledge our legiflative authority, and then we fhall willingly, and with propriety, form legislative regulations for their future eafe and government. But whilft they perfift in their claim of independency, and hurl defiance at us as fovereign ftates, no treaty can be thought of, and conceffions would be as futile, as ridiculous and difgraceful. Up on |