nor will you, I fear, have better success in Georgia.". Sparks's Washington, vol. viii. pp. 322, 323.

Hum

The friend and associate of Colonel Laurens, as a Colonel member of Washington's family, and a fellow-soldier phreys. in more than one battle, Colonel David Humphreys, gave the sanction of his name and the influence of his popularity to the raising of colored troops in Connecticut.

"In November, 1782, he was, by resolution of Congress, commissioned as a Lieutenant-Colonel, with order that his commission should bear date from the 23d of June, 1780, when he received his appointment as aid-de-camp to the Commander-in-chief. He had, when in active service, given the sanction of his name and influence in the establishment of a company of colored infantry, attached to Meigs', afterwards Butler's, regiment, in the Connecticut line. He continued to be the nominal captain of that company until the establishment of peace."-Biographical Sketch in "The National Portrait Gallery of Distinguished Americans."

Lord Dunmore's efforts to secure the services of negroes, at the commencement of the Revolutionary War, are well known; his proclamation, and the action of the Virginia Convention upon it, having been published at the time, and the matter having occasioned much comment since. By the courtesy of Mr. Bancroft, who has kindly put into my hands the unpublished original manuscript of the following letter and "sketch," and also a copy of Lord Dunmore's private letter to Sir Henry Clinton enclosing them, I am now enabled to present the views of his Lordship

Proposal

to Lord

on the subject seven years later. and just before the close of hostilities.

TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE EARL DUNMORE, &C.

"CHARLES TOWN, 5th January, 1792 "MY LORD,-Since I had the honor of seeing your Lor Danmore. ship, I have revolved in my mind the subject-matter of cur conversation; and the more I think, the more I am ecovinced of the magnitude and national importance of the object. It is long since I beheld the scheme in the most favorable point of view, and often have I strenuously recommended it. There were, at the time the thought first seriously made an impression on my mind, some very powerful and uncontrovertible reasons; namely, the impossibility, that I foresaw, of maintaining and supporting troops from Europe, in the low parts of this country, during the sickly season. The fall months have caused such mortality in 1780 at the outposts, that no country on earth, at such a distance, could support the loss of men. Another reason that operated on my mind, added to the eagerness I observed in the generality of the people under my direc tion to have arms put into their hands on the incursions of the enemy, even while we had troops at Camden, preventing the negroes from being of any service to Government in planting and cultivating the land; what, with the proofs they have given, on various occasions, of spirit and enterprise, left me no room to doubt that they might be employed to the utmost advantage. While there was a ray of hope left for believing that Lord Cornwallis had made his escape with a small part of his army, I was easy and happy, convinced that he would not have hesitated a moment in giving freedom to men of all complexions that would faithfully serve the King, and assist in crushing a most infernal rebellion. And I cannot help thinking, my Lord, that there is something peculiarly fortunate in your Lordship's arrival here at this very critical moment; for next to Lord Corn

Lord Dun

wallis, who has the advantage of military rank in the Proposal to empire, there is none so able to form and execute so great more. a design, nor in whom the King's friends have equal confidence as in your Lordship. Unless some vigorous step is taken, I humbly think it is more than probable that the nation at large will insist on this American War being relinquished. What can Administration say, what can they promise themselves or the nation, by a prosecution of the war in such hands? Nothing but ultimate ruin.

"If, my Lord, this scheme is adopted, arranged, and ready for being put in execution, the moment the troops penetrate into the country after the arrival of the promised re-enforcements, America is to be conquered with its own force (I mean the Provincial troops and the black troops. to be raised), and the British and Hessian army could be spared to attack the French where they are most vulnerable. The nation would, by that means, be relieved from an amazing burthen, that of supporting the army at New York, what has been a sink of treasure, and a bed of voluptuousness and dissipation. I say, my lord, if the British and Hessian troops were ordered to leave the country, only sending force sufficient to garrison Rhode Island, that your Lordship and my friend Gov. Martin, with the Provincial troops, the King's friends, and the new levies, would soon possess the three Southern provinces, in spite of all the force the rebels could assemble. "Tis notorious that more than two-thirds of North Carolina have expressed an eager desire for the re-establishment of British government. They have given striking proofs of zeal, spirit, and enterprise; and under the direction of those they love, and who would reward their merit, rebellion would soon cease to exist on the south side of James River. Pardon me, my Lord, for this tedious digression. Such a variety of new matter crowds upon me, that I could not help giving my thoughts a place.

"It may, and I dare say will, be said by Opposition,

Proposal to Lord Dunmore.

'What! arm the slaves? We shudder at the very idea, so repugnant to humanity, so barbarous and shocking to human nature,' &c. One very simple answer is, in my mind, to be given: Whether is it better to make this vast continent become an acquisition of power, strength, and consequence to Great Britain again, or tamely give it up to France, who will reap the fruits of American Independence, to the utter ruin of Britain? It may be said, 'How can you do such an injury to your friends?' In the first place, our friends in this province are not numerous whose property consists in slaves. The friends of Britain in the Southern provinces, in general, are the merchants; and they have little property in slaves. And, in the second place, I deny that we injure our friends by giving freedom to those slaves that are proper for soldiers. 'Tis only changing one master for another; and let it be clearly understood that they are to serve the King for ever, and that those slaves who are not taken for his Majesty's service are to remain on the plantation, and perform, as usual, the labor of the field; and, so far from ruining the property, I do aver, and experience will, I doubt not, justify the assertion, that, by embodying the most hardy, intrepid, and determined blacks, they would not only keep the rest in good order, but, by being disciplined, and under command, be prevented from raising cabals, tumults, and even rebellion, what I think might be expected soon after a peace; but so far from making even our lukewarm friends and secret foes greater enemies by this measure, I will, by taking their slaves, engage to make them better friends. This, my lord, may appear enigmatical; but your Lordship's experience of mankind in general, and of the people in this country in particular, will do justice to my opinion, that if the nation had, instead of lavishing her treasure, and opening a very wide door for her servants to heap up wealth at her expense, and feeding and supporting, by her gold that circulates in the country, that very rebellion she wished to

crush; I say, my lord, that [had] she, instead of paying money for all necessaries purchased for the use of the army, granted receipts, bearing interest so long as the holders remained loyal, and a promise to pay the principal at the expiration of the rebellion, our affairs would have been in a very different situation to-day.

"I have, my lord, done myself the honor to enclose a sketch of a plan for embodying ten thousand men; and I would beg leave to suggest to your Lordship the propriety of laying your plan before Col. Moncrief, and offering him a brigade, with your lordship's interest to secure him the rank of brigadier-general. I can assure you of a certainty, that it will be by much the best channel in which it can be placed; and I would humbly recommend to your lordship to make it known only to Moncrief, who, with yourself, is fully equal to set it on its legs. I am afraid, my lord, that I have wearied your patience. My motives I beg you may believe to be most pure; and I have the honor to be, my lord, your lordship's most obedient and most humble servant, "J. CRUDEN."

"CHARLES TOWN, 5th January, 1782. "In the Province of South Carolina, ten thousand Black Troops may be raised, inured to fatigue and to the climate, without impoverishing the plantations so much that they might not be able to produce crops equal to the maintenance and support, not only of the women and children that are left on the estates, but also sufficient to feed, clothe, and pay the Black Troops.

"When these men are raised, there can be no doubt, that, with the force here, they will be able to drive the enemy from the Province, and open a large door for our friends from North Carolina to join us, till such time as it may be policy, and we may have a sufficient command of the sea, to enter Virginia.

"When the country is again in our possession, with proper and effectual support, I will engage to maintain and

Sketch of a plan for

arming the Negroes.