selves in such a scene; the neatly-dressed English young lady, and her quiet gentlewomanly mamma; the Austrian count, the Russian prince, the Frankfort banker, and so on to the end of the chapter representatives from all nations, and scarcely two parties speaking the same language or belonging to the same rank in society. High and low, however, Christian and Jew, all mingle together, so far as personal proximity is concerned. "But what are all the people doing or thinking of ?"-says some one. I am just coming to that.

whose bones met with this high honour, or whether they were the remains of saints at all, I had no oppor tunity of learning; and leaving them alone in their glory, we bade them good-bye, and returned on our

way

to Baden.

THE CENSUS.

with real or assumed indifference. Nothing like
boisterous passion is any where observable; and the
only sounds uttered are by the dealers of the game.
I remarked that here, as at Wiesbaden and else-
where, the language of the tables is French, that
being a tongue which all are expected to understand.
Perhaps, also, the entrepreneurs are French, the law
against gambling in Paris having caused them to look EXCEPTING the returns from the Scottish parishes in
out for new haunts. Be this as it may, all the func-1755, with a regard to the formation of a benefit fund
for the widows of the clergy, no enumeration of any
tionaries at Baden-Baden are servants of a head- portion of the people of the United Kingdom took!
master of the concern, who pays to the government place before 1801. Nor was any enumeration of the
35,000 florins annually, or about three thousand people of Ireland effected until 1813. These facts
pounds, for permission to keep such an establishment; tors on all subjects affecting the welfare of the mass
speak strongly of the easy-mindedness of our ances
and besides this sum, he encounters a large outlay in of the people; for it now appears as plain as the
paying salaries and supporting the splendours of the alphabet itself, that, without a knowledge of the pro-
building; nevertheless, his revenue is understood to gress of the numbers of the people, and the ratio of
births and deaths to the amount of the population,
be enormous.
those who would guide and benefit the state must be
as much in the dark, and as little able to act with
a judicious confidence, as the merchant who never
brings his books to a balance, or rather one who does
not keep books at all. We of the present generation,
however, must not be too boastful; for it is no more
than four years since a system was established for
registering births, marriages, and deaths, throughout
England; and no such thing as yet exists in either
Ireland or Scotland. To the United States, we be-
lieve, belongs the credit of first establishing the custom
of a periodical official census of the inhabitants of a
state: it was commenced in that country in 1790.
The first census of England and Scotland took
place in 1801; it was conducted by parochial authe-
rities-persons of great respectability, and well paid
for their trouble, so that, as far as the machinery for
taking it was concerned, there was every reason to
expect correct returns. It gave the population of
Great Britain, inclusive of the army, navy, and other
small extras, at 10,942,646, or, without the army,
navy, &c., at 10,472,048, whereof 5,492,354 were
females. It is probable that this census somewhat
understated the population. The people were new to
inquiries of this nature, and, afraid lest it boded an
addition to their burdens or some other evil, they are
believed in many instances to have avoided giving a
full account of their numbers. It is at least, we know,
a general impression in Scotland, that the fear of a
militia act-a great bugbear of that day-caused many
to deceive the enumerators on the side of a diminution
of numbers.

ally take place on the evening of Dimanche-any idea
of sabbatical observance on that day being entirely
unthought of. Before our departure, we observed an
affichi on the walls announcing a grand procession
and ball to take place on the succeeding Dimanche,
for the benefit of the poor. The Grand-Duchess
Stephaine is a liberal patroness during the season of
these gaieties, as well as of the various concerts which

from time to time occur.

For those who seek excitement of a less stimulating and more healthful sort than that which is obtained in the salons of the Conversation House, the environs of Baden-Baden present various means for its enjoyment. A forenoon's ride to the romantic valley of the Mourg offers a pleasing trip; and a loitering walk of less than an hour from the town brings you to a nook in the upper part of the valley of the Oes, where stands the convent of Lichtenthal. This was one of our favourite walks. Conducted through a shady avenue of oaks, with the rich green meadow and sparkling brook on our left, we at length emerge at the village of Oberbeuren, which, like Baden, boasts the possession of a mineral fountain, and a hotel for the residence of visiters.

Decent, quiet, stay-at-home readers, if they do not know already, must be informed, that about onehalf of the several hundreds of personages I am talking of, have come to try and win money by gambling; and the other half, to which section I chose to belong, either to look at them, or sit musingly on one of the sofas which are ranged along the walls for general ac- The amusements of Baden-Baden are not all of commodation. Avant-let us forward and see what is this vicious sort. On certain evenings in the week going on within that cluster of gentlemen and ladies there are theatrical entertainments, in which French at the further extremity of the salle. The old affair, and German plays are alternately exhibited. There roulette-a gaming-table of a longish shape, covered are also regular balls, at which the gay have an opporwith green cloth marked and numbered in compart-tunity of fluttering. Balls of a superb order occasionments, and sustaining a dish with its revolving centre and rapidly circling ball. The ball slackens in its course; jerk-it goes into a hollow in the moving centre; two or three thalers are pitched to the fortunate winners by the croupier, and with a small wooden rake he sweeps up every thing else which has been perilled on the throw. Other stakes are planted, some on one number and some on another: the old gentleman on the left chooses to stake a napoleon on the compartment No. 31, while the lady beside him, whose kid-gloved fingers are spasmodically playing with a green net purse, tries two yellow pieces on an open patch near the corner; to make sure, she has pushed them into their place by means of one of the rakes. What anxiety, what intense interest, follows! Whirl-the marble flies round its course; rat, tat, tat-it is trying to make a lodgment in the contrary moving centre; there it has sunk in one of the hollow compartments! "Trente-une,” cries the croupier: sixand-thirty napoleons are counted and shoved by the ever-ready rake to the fortunate old gentleman; the lady and all the rest of them have lost. Does the old gentleman pocket his prize? No! without moving a muscle of his countenance, he consults a card before him-for he is one of that infatuated class of persons who believe in the doctrine of chances-and he keeps a record of throws by pricking a card with a pin. That card is his cade mecum. Having gravely consulted it, he lays the whole thirty-seven pieces on the patch last occupied by the lady, and which wins or loses according to colour, not according to This change is dangerous: however, the words "le jeu est fait" (the game is made) have been uttered; the ball again whirls. Wonderful! the old man's colour is the colour of the hollow into which the ball has sunk; he receives a duplication of his venture, or thirty-seven gold pieces. One napoleon has in three minutes been increased to seventy-four napoleons! This is too much, as he thinks, to stake; so he selects a number, and places upon it five pieces. In a twinkling they are gone-his card has been a deceiver. The crowd is getting rather troublesome let us leave this table and go to another.

number.

Entering by a doorway in the end of the salle, we find ourselves in a room of inferior dimensions, but fitted up with equal splendour. There is the table, with its players, in the centre of the floor. The game here is played with cards. A person sits at one side, and, with all the gravity of a judge, cuts off some halfdozen cards from the parcel in his hand, and throws them out, repeating, at the same time, a few words in French. I never could exactly see through the principle on which the winning or losing proceeded, but it was evidently little better than a sort of odds or evens in the marks on a certain number of cards; and the money staked on the compartments of the table changed masters with the same velocity as if the ball and basin had been in play. From this table we adjourned to a room of similar character behind, the walls of which were highly decorated with festoons of artificial flowers and other ornaments. Here another card-table engaged a group of busy votaries. Rouieaux of thalers, five-franc pieces, napoleons, sovereigns, and Frederick d'ors, in front of the croupier, shortened and lengthened, and ever without satisfying the desires or curing the folly of the adventurous gamesters. Parties fluctuated from room to room, and table to table, now risking a piece here and now there, but always

It was on a bright and tranquil afternoon that we paid a visit to the convent, which forms the chief establishment in the village. I had seen nunneries before, but they consisted of little more than a house and a chapel ; this one, however, resembled the grange of a respectable agriculturist, for, on entering the outer portal, we found ourselves in a spacious square, composed of not only buildings required by the inmates of the institution, but a cow-house, barn, and other useful accommodations. The residence of the nuns is at the inner end of the quadrangle; and close beside it, in the corner on our left, is the public chapel. Not a soul is to be seen, although the day is as fine as ever shone from the heavens; and as there is not a vestige of hindrance, we walk into the hospitably open doors of the place of worship. The interior was more neat than elegant, but excessively clean, and all was as still as the grave. Nobody was present. All was left to the free inspection of the curious, or the performance of devotional exercises by the pious.

The institution claims a high antiquity, and many of its recluses have been of a superior rank in life. At present, they are limited to twenty in number, and are not, by the law of the country, permitted to take vows of seclusion for more than three years at a time. It is mentioned with no small pride, that no nun was ever known, at the end of the specified period, to depart or to refrain from making a formal renewal of her engagement--a circumstance which, from the influences affecting her situation, one might readily expect.

Whatever may be said of the judgment of the nuns of Lichtenthal, it will be allowed they excel in taste when I mention the elegance with which they have decorated two objects of veneration in their chapel. The main altar at the inner extremity of the building is ornamented with flowers and paintings, but in point of style is entirely eclipsed by two altars abutting out, one on each side. On these there are placed long glass cases, the length of the human form, and in each is observed the rather startling figure of a skeleton, dressed in fancy costume. The skull is left unrobed, but the bones of the neck, back-bone, and ribs, are individually wrapped in white muslin ; along each rib is a row of brilliants of different colours. The lower part of the figure, to the depth of the knee, is enveloped in a crimson velvet kilt, embroidered with gold, and also set with various brilliant stones. The leg bones and feet are bound with silk, and likewise highly adorned. The arms are in embroidered crimson velvet, to match the philabeg; and the hands, enveloped in white gloves, have each finger covered with rings to the point. Such was the attire of both skeletons; and each, reclining on its elbow, had an easy, degagé air, as if leaning in a conversible humour with the votaries of its shrine. Who were the saints

The three census of 1811, 1821, and 1831, were conducted in the same manner, and showed a pro

gressive increase of the population. That of 1811 gave, for Great Britain, including army, navy, &c., 12,596,803, being an increase of 1511 per cent. That of 1821 gave 14,391,631, being an increase of 14:12 per cent. It might well excite surprise that the advance in the last period, one chiefly of peace, was less than that of the preceding decennial period, which was almost entirely a time of war, if we were not aware of the probability of the first census being somewhat under-stated. The census of 1831 gave 16,539,318, being an increase of 1491 per cent., or a slightly larger increase than in the preceding period. It is to be remarked that the item for army, navy, &c., which in 1811, the heat of the war, was 640,500, had sunk in 1831 to 277,017.

The census of 1841 was conducted in England by the officers of the Registrar-General, with deputies for small districts, and on a similar plan in the other sections of the United Kingdom. It consisted of an enumeration of the individuals who lodged in each house on the night of the 6th of June, with a separate return of persons who spent that night in travelling, and it included only such persons belonging to the army and navy as were on shore within the kingdom at the time. It is probable that, where so many enumerators were necessarily employed, a considerable number would do their duty incorrectly, so that we may fairly conclude that this census, like that of 1801, somewhat understates the actual amount of the popu lation. It is also to be observed, that probably 300,000 men, composing detachments of the and garrisons abroad, and the crews of our navy and merchant shipping, were expressly omitted. The entire number returned for Great Britain was 18,664,761, being an increase on 1831 of 14.5 per cent.-an advance somewhat less than that of the preceding period.

army

If we allow for the persons omitted from the last census and for insufficient enumeration, we may say that the population of Great Britain has advanced in the last forty years from about 11 to 19 millions. This is a ratio of increase very much greater than that of any former period of the English annals. From the imperfect means which exist, it is reckoned that the population of England, in 1700, was 5,134,516; and that in 1750 it had advanced to 6,039,684; being at the rate of 17 2-3ds per cent. in fifty years. In 1800, it was, by calculation, 9,187,176, being an increase in that second half cen tury of 52 1-10th per cent. The population of England in 1841 being 14,995,005, it may be expected, following the same ratio of increase as during the last ten years, to reach 17,094,305 in 1850, which will be at the rate of S6 2-3ds per cent. Perhaps, however, of increase is to confine our attention to the females, the most rigidly accurate mode of exhibiting the rate a department of the population of which but a small

portion can be absent on account of the public service abroad. These, it is found, have increased at such a

rate that

100,000 in 1801 became, in 1811, 114,311

Ditto, 1811
Ditto, 1821
Ditto,... 1831

1821, 116,154
1831, 115,970
1841, 114,206

It thus appears that the rate of increase has slightly declined during the last twenty years, but no more than slightly. The rate of the last ten years is certainly considerable for an old country usually described as already populous. At such a rate, the population would double in fifty-two years and a quarter.*

The increase of the last ten years is very unequally distributed throughout England. Hereford and Westmoreland have advanced only at the rate of, the former 2, the latter 24 per cent. Cumberland shows nearly 5, Norfolk rather more than 54, Oxford and Suffolk a little above 6, and Salop and Somerset between 7 and 8, per cent. Generally the agricultural counties have advanced slowly. But when we turn to the commercial and manufacturing counties, we see very different results. Stafford, that hive of busy potters, shows 24 per cent., Lancaster nearly 25. Durham, where mining and commerce go on hand in hand in great activity, has advanced 27; and Monmouth, the great seat of the iron trade, that new limb of British industry, 36 per cent., this last being the largest rate of any of the English counties.

rightly stated. But we can scarcely doubt that the
calculations for that year were founded on insufficient
data, the registration system not having been then
established. As that system is now as nearly as pos-
sible perfect, the lapse of a few years will enable us to
apply the mortality test with some degree of confi-
dence.

THE ABSENCE OF LOCAL ATTACHMENTS

IN AMERICA.

the whole, matter of congratulation. There may be notable obstructions to the prosperity of the United Kingdom. There may be partial but most distressing failures of manufacturing and commercial prosperity. There may be apparent, particularly in the metropolis, an intensity of the acquisitive principle vastly disproportioned to the actual comfort enThere is meanwhile another test which would seemjoyed and the sacrifices made. But, notwithstanding to speak favourably for the increased comfort of the partial and temporary conditions, the country would people. It is generally found that, where poverty appear in the main to be undergoing a gradual imincreases, there is a greater huddling of the people provement. together, and that, on the contrary, improved circumstances give the inclination as well as means of occupying more house-room. Now, it is found that, while the population of Great Britain has advanced since 1831 at the rate of 145 per cent., the number of in- PERHAPS one of the most striking traits in the Amehabited houses has increased about one-third more rapidly, showing that the people do now, partially or rican character-especially to such as have been born generally, use more house-room than they did ten years and bred in one of those old-fashioned countries where ago. Unless the repeal of the house-duty in 1834 be "fatherland" is still permitted to rank among the the entire cause of this change, it may fairly be held most endearing terms that speak to the human bosom as indicative of some improvement of circumstances, if is an almost universal absence of local partialinot generally, at least in certain portions of the country. ties, and of fond attachment to the homes of early In 1831, there were 5.7 persons to each house in Great Britain; now there are only 53. It may be observed, youth. Feelings of this nature, undoubtedly, may be that the extension of house-room has been remarkably carried to an extreme, even until they become absounequal throughout the country. In Middlesex, the lute failings, not to make use of a harsher term; but, number of houses has increased positively less than the after all, they only betray those amiable weaknesses number of the people. The increase of house-room in of the human heart which we may lament but dare England has been greatest in the agricultural counties, not censure. The want of local feeling in Ameshowing, as far as this test can show, that the agri- rica is the effect of habit and example, and of the The population of Scotland has not, in the last forty cultural population has been for some years in more general state of society, rather than any peculiar disyears, proceeded at so rapid a rate as that of England. favourable circumstances than the manufacturing. Atinction in the moral constitution of the people: but Our poor northern soil is supposed to have borne considerably greater increase of houses in comparison rather less than a million at the time of the Union in with population is shown in Scotland than in England my object at present is, not to enter into any philoso1707. It was then a poor country-the whole of the generally. Houses have in Scotland increased in a phical disquisition upon this point, but to state a few native circulating medium little exceeding eight hun more than threefold greater ratio than population facts which a long acquaintance with the American dred thousand pounds sterling, a sum considerably a fact speaking volumes for the prudence and econo- character has enabled me to arrive at. below what was lately left to her heirs by one old lady mical wisdom of the people. Another remarkable resident in our capital! In 1755, the clergy's returns circumstance is, that the counties in which population gave 1,265,000; which, there is reason to believe, was has made the greatest start, as Lanark, Forfar, and a correct enumeration. In 1801, the census gave Dumbarton, are found amongst those in which houses 1,599,068. Since then it has advanced, at the re- have multiplied in the greatest proportion. The inspective decennial periods, to 1,805,688-2,093,456-habited houses of Lanarkshire, in 1831, were 58,745: in 2,365,114 and 2,628,957, the last being the population 1841, they were 80,531. The inhabited houses of Forfarof June 1841. The rate of increase in the last period shire, in 1831, were 19,597: in 1841, they were 36,153. is less than that of England, being only 11.1 per cent. It is at the same time to be remarked, that the special There is also this remarkable difference between the mortality of Glasgow continues as dismal as ever, results in the two countries, that, while every English being, in 1840, as 1 to 30-93 (or nearly 31) of the inhacounty has made some advance, though in some, as bitants, which is about the average of the last ten we have seen, but little, seren of the Scottish counties years. This is clearly traced to the existence of a have gone back, or show a decrease. The nearest thing vast horde of poor, ill-fed, ill-lodged persons who live to a dead stand in the whole island is shown by the in the city-an unfailing focus of pestilence to all quiet pastoral county of Peebles, which has decreased around them, and part of the price which Scotland half a per cent.; next in stationariness, if we may pays for its exemption from a humane and equitable make a word for the occasion, is Haddington, which poor-law. has decreased 1 per cent., or to the amount of 58 persons. Dumbarton, Sutherland, Perth, Kinross, and Argyle, show a decrease varying between 1 and 39 per cent. The other agricultural counties have generally increased at a small rate, the only remarkable exception being Wigton, which shows the surprising large increase of 21-5 per cent. In Scotland, as in England, the increase in the manufacturing counties has been very considerable, being in Forfar (which contains the busy town and port of Dundee) 22, Dumbarton 333, and Lanark (which contains Glasgow) 348 per cent. The population of the last county is now 427,113, or probably half as much as the whole numbers of the kingdom in the reign of Charles II. Glasgow, which in 1801 contained 83,769 inhabitants, now adds to that about 200,000, her population in June 1841 having been 282,134. It is remarkable that this city and New York have alike advanced from two hundred and two to two hundred and eighty thousand during the last ten years. We must, with a contemporary, regard it as "a most extraordinary fact that a city with no peculiar maritime advantages, far inland, and accessible only by water by means of a river at first only navigable by means of small craft, situated in a sterile and barren country, which had not three millions of inhabitants, should thus have been enabled to keep pace with the vast commercial emporium of the United States, fed by immigration from every country in Europe, and boasting of a noble harbour, the gateway to an immense territory, which contains a population of above seventeen millions." Edinburgh, a city containing scarcely any manufactures, shows a very different rate of increase. The county in which it is situated, has advanced from 219,345 in 1831 to 225,623, being under 3 per cent.

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Owing to the vast extent of territory which is annually reclaimed from the rude forests, and consequently becomes the foundation of new towns, villages, and settlements, whereby so many openings are made for individuals engaged in agriculture, trades, and professions, it is not to be wondered at that we find such an unceasing movement among the inhabitants, particularly the young men, both married and single; thousands of whom annually leave their native homes for places they only know by namesituated, probably, at a distance of 1200 or 1500 miles. It is really surprising with what scanty means many embark in these long and wearisome journeys; but still more wonderful to witness the almost entire absence of anxious concern with which such expeditions are entered upon. In my native mountains, I have witnessed partings between members of the same family, for a trifling distance and short space of time, where those endearing affections of the heart that bind kindred and families together have been more deeply and seriously agitated than on occasions where it has been my lot to witness the sons or daughters of some American family taking their departure for some vastly remote part of the country, with scarcely the slightest expectation (hope would not be the proper term) or probability of ever meeting again. It certainly is true that much mental agony and suffering, on occasions of this nature, is thus avoided; but the remembrances of parting words, and looks, and tears, are often the "most cherished spots in memory's waste" in the breast of a tender parent or an affectionate child, when the reality has vanished never more to be looked upon.

The returns from Ireland have not as yet been pub-
lished; but the entire amount of the population is
known to be 8,205,382. The population, in 1831, was
7,767,401, so that the increase of the ten years has
been 437,981, or a little above 5 per cent. This is
remarkable. The increase of the Irish people from
1821 to 1831 was 965,574, being an increase of 14:19 per
cent., nearly the same as the average increase of the
people of Great Britain for the last forty years. It
thus appears evident that a great change has come over
Ireland. We observe that it has been spoken of as a
change for the worse. Some have even spoken of it
as "a slaughter of human beings." If so, it must be
a peculiarly Hibernian kind of slaughter, seeing that
the persons assumed to be slaughtered never had ex-
istence. Ireland has been manifestly improving in I recollect once passing a night at the house of a
all respects during the last ten years: no one who small tavern-keeper in the state of Vermont. In the
travelled through the country some years ago, and course of conversation, I discovered that the old man
revisits it now, can doubt the fact, for the symptoms had several children, all of whom had long ago left their
of it are every where conspicuous. May not a slacken- paternal roof: one or two were married, and resided
ing of the rate of a population's increase be reconciled at no great distance; but the majority of them had
with the fact of an increase in its wealth and comfort? gone in quest of adventures he scarcely knew whither.
There is one fact which speaks powerfully to this con- While we were conversing about the new settlements
clusion. The four provinces of Ireland are of marked in the state of Michigan, and the country on and
varieties of character, the degrees of social advance- west of the Mississippi, we heard the jingling of sleigh-
ment and prosperity being obviously in this order bells, which betokened the approach of a sleigh; when
Connaught, Munster, Ulster, Leinster, the last being presently the door opened, and in walked a person
that which contains the capital. Now, it is a remark- apparently somewhat under forty years of age, who,
able fact that, from 1821 to 1831, the rate of increase advancing towards the Dutch stove by which we were
was greatest in the rudest and most barbarous terri- seated, held out his hand with an easy and familiar
tory, namely, Connaught, being there 21 per cent.expression of countenance, and said—“ Father, how be
next in Munster, where it was 15 per cent.-next in ye? and how be all the folks?"-meaning, as I rightly
Ulster, 14:42 per cent.-and least of all in Leinster, supposed, the rest of the family. The father, with-
namely, 866 per cent. Unless we can believe that out affecting the least surprise, and without rising
Leinster was greatly less prosperous between 1821 and from his seat, or taking the trouble to turn his per-
1831 than Connaught, we can scarcely conclude that son more than half round towards the stranger, re-
the slower general increase of the last ten years is a plied, indifferently, "Jabez, be you hearty?" The
proof of decline in the condition of the kingdom. The father and son, as I afterwards learned, had not seen
fact is, that there are two laws under which a popula- each other, nor held scarcely any communication with
tion increases. Above a certain point, an increase of each other, by letter or otherwise, for more than a
resources tends to an increase of population: below dozen years, although they had parted on perfectly
that point, a decrease of resources produces the same good terms!
effect, there being need for a certain experience of
comfort to ensure prudence in marrying. We have
no hesitation in pronouncing the retardation of the
ratio of increase of population in Ireland a proof of
an improvement in both the physical and moral con-
ditions of the people of that country.

It becomes of importance to ascertain if the increase of the numbers of a people be attended by an increase of the general comfort and happiness, or at least by no decline in these respects. This is a point not easily ascertained, for all the tests which the present state of statistical knowledge enable us to apply are more or less fallacious. If we had certain returns of the mortality of 1831, we might arrive at tolerably distinct notions on the subject; but unfortunately our means of judging of the mortality of that year are not very satisfactory. Mr Porter, in his valuable work entitled "The Progress of_the_Nation," gives 1 in 58 as the annual mortality for England in 1830. It is calculated, upon certain data, to have been for the year ending June 30, 1840, as 1 in 444, which would show an alarming increase, if the mortality for 1830 were

Without attempting to describe the dialogue that took place, I will shortly explain what afterwards occurred that I was a witness to. Jabez informed the old man that his wife and three children were in the sleigh without, and wished to know if they could be "accommodated" for the night, as they were on their way to a farm in the eastern part of Maine, or rather in the Disputed Territory, which it seemed Jabez had exchanged for the one he had lately occupied somewhere in the interior of Michigan; and thus had taken advantage of the snow to move his family and a few trifling articles belonging to housekeeping,

the brother, and, holding out his hand, said, "How do mena, accompanied even with the power of turning bility. A man and his wife, according to a French

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from the sacred rite..... Exposed to the anger of Ju-
piter, evoked by a defective ceremony, he was struck
by the lightning, and burned, together with his pa
lace.' An ancient annalist, quoted by Pliny, ex-
presses himself in a more explicit manner, and jus-
tifies the liberty I take in departing from the sense
commonly given to the sentences of Livy by his
translators. Guided by the books of Numa, Tullus
undertook to evoke Jupiter by the aid of the same
ceremonies which his predecessors had employed.
Having departed from the prescribed rite, he was
struck by the lightning and perished. For the words
rites and ceremonies, substitute, as I have proved should
be done, the words physical process, and we shall
perceive that the fate of Tullus was that of Professor
Reichman. In 1753, this learned man was killed by
the lightning, when repeating too incautiously the
experiments of Franklin."

the party, are to be explained in this way. Some of
the lofty descriptions of the Arabian tales could come
but from a land of opium-dreamers. Many of the
confessing witches of Europe, in the sixteenth cen-
tury, avowed that, by the use of magical unguents,
they could be transported at any time to the witches'
festivals, and they certainly both used the ointment
and believed in its effects. A woman in Florence was
accused of witchcraft. She avowed it, and told the
magistrate that if he would allow her to go home and
use the unction, she should go that night to the fes-
tival. She was sent home, where she rubbed herself
over the body with foetid drugs, and instantly was
seized with sleep. She was tied during the night to
the bed, and sharp punctures tried, in order to rouse
her. But her sleep was broken with difficulty only
on the following day. She then asserted that she had
been at the festival, and described a lengthened scene,
mixing up with her dream an account of pain en-
dured, and which doubtless resulted from the punc-
tures. Other witches were so confident in similar
transportations, that they announced their intention
to return flying with wings. When they awoke, they
declared that they had really done so, and would not
listen to the assertions that they had never left their
beds. No doubt, they actually believed their own
words; one of them was even seen to make move-
ments as if flying. On some persons avowedly be-
longing to the same class, the philosopher Gassendi
made an interesting experiment. He anointed them
with an opiate composition, which he told them would
carry them to the festival. When they awoke from
their consequent slumbers, they declared that they
had really been there, and each described a long scene,
in which he imagined he had played a part.

with all the family.' In his Vicar of Wakefield, the
satire is still more searching.

'Are you sure you are fit for a school? Let me
examine you a little have you been bred apprentice
to the business? No.'

"Then you won't do for a school. Can you dress the boys' hair? 'No.'

Then you won't do for a school. Have you had the small-pox? 'No.'

'Then you won't do for a school. Can you lie three in a bed? No."

Then you will never do for a school. Have you got a good stomach? Yes!"

Then you will by no means do for a school.' In the same work he again heaps contumely on the vocation. I have been,' he says, 'usher at a boarding-school myself, and may I die by an anodyne necklace, but I had rather be an under-turnkey in Newgate. I was up early and late; I was browbeat by my master, hated for my ugly face by the mistress, worried by the boys within, and never permitted to stir out to meet civility abroad.'

Nor does he seem willing to drop the subject, which is again cleverly touched upon in the following ludicrous advertisement, occurring in his Citizen of the World' :WANTED-An usher to an academy. N.B.-He must be able to read, dress hair, and must have had the small-pox.

We trust that these remarks on the probable ex-
tent of the occult knowledge possessed by the ancients,
will have been found to possess some interest, as con-
clusive, or nearly so, of the papers on Superstitions.
If it be imagined that too large an amount of scientific
knowledge has been ascribed to our forefathers, in
explanation of recorded miracles and prodigies, we
would again call to remembrance the astonishingly
accurate lunar observations of the Chaldeans, and the
extraordinary grandeur of all those remains which
time could not destroy. The objection that a single
class could not well confine so much knowledge to
their own societies, is refuted by the fact that a nearly
similar circumstance really occurred in times of au-
thentic history, and these not distant, in the case of
the monks. The loss of acquired knowledge, again,
was but too easy where a proper mode of perpetuation
neither existed nor was desired by its exclusive pos-
sessors. Self-interest buried it under unmeaning forms
and mysterious hieroglyphics. We may therefore
congratulate our kind on the possession of the press,
not only on account of the dissemination of know
ledge effected through it, but also for the strength of
mind which prevents knowledge from being so far
misused as to be instrumental in furthering chicanery
and superstition.

Thus, to long study of the uses of drugs, and to their skilful application, on the one hand, and, on the other, to ignorance, boundless credulity, and imaginations roused both by general and special causes, we may fairly ascribe all the effects produced by magicians and priests on their dupes in the way of visions, without resorting to denials of any such things having ever occurred. Natural causes have effects that form the real marvels. It may even be conceived that a magician, who promised to show a real scene of a certain kind, might have the art to persuade his victim that a forcible dream was a reality. In our own times of trained chemists and physicians, we can scarcely estimate the extent of the knowledge of herbs which the old women of the lower ranks formerly possessed; and the same remark partly bears on the ancient nd priests also, who were in many cases the sole medical practitioners.

As regards meteorology, the skill of the savage and the seaman, unlettered men, in pronouncing on changes of weather, may give an idea of the probable early advances in this science; and skilful and happy meteorological predictions were often made miracles of by the ancients. On this subject M. Salverte ventures a bold conjecture, which, though its correctness may be questioned, must be read by all with

MEMORABILIA OF TWO LITERARY MEN
OF THE LAST CENTURY.

of

It is not precisely known when Goldsmith first came to Peckham, though quite certain, from contemporary memoranda furnished by the kind friend to whom I have alluded, that he was there in 1751, six years earlier than is usually supposed. The proba bility is, that he succeeded Mr Robinson, Dr Milner's former assistant, who appears to have left about the middle of the preceding year. These manuscript notes are in the handwriting of a gentleman who had two sons under Goldsmith's care at Peckham, and were furnished in reply to my inquiries on the subject, by his grandaughter, the niece of one, and daughter of the other of these pupils. My father,' writes this lady, went to Dr Milner's school on the 28th January 1750. On the 15th April 1751, his brother also went, and was put under Goldsmith's care, who was very mild, and had a winning way with children, and they learnt from him without much study of books. Two more brothers were also pupils at Dr Milner's.'

A PLEASANT topographical and antiquarian work,
As these data were altogether new to me, and con-
moderate dimensions, on Camberwell,* puts us unex-tradicted all that I had read upon the subject, I was
pectedly in possession of some additions to the bio- unwilling to admit their testimony without farther
graphy of Goldsmith. Camberwell-it is necessary inquiry, which, however, soon satisfied me that there
for many of our readers to premise--is a village to the could be no mistake. My grandfather,' says the re-
south of London, now nearly involved in the wide-ply, kept this short diary, from which I send the
dates, &c. His three first children died: then came
spreading limbs of the ever-growing city. At Peck my father, who was born 13th March 1743-4, and my
ham, another village near it, is a boarding-school for husband's father (my uncle), born 25th May 1745.
young gentlemen, which bears the name of GOLD- The first went to Dr Milner's school on the 28th
SMITH HOUSE, in honour of the fact that it once had January 1750-51; the other, the first week after
the author of "The Deserted Village" for one of its Easter, 15th April 1751. He said, Mr Oliver Gold-
ushers. Hitherto this portion of Goldsmith's life has man.' He was placed under his care. On the 4th
smith was about twenty-three, a heavy, dull-looking
been obscure, and misplaced in time: even the labo- July 1754, my good grandfather removed from Peck-
rious work of Mr Prior does not set it forth clearly or ham to Wokingham, taking his two sons along with
correctly. We shall here present the result of the him; so that it is quite clear Oliver Goldsmith was at
careful local inquiries of Mr Allport.
Dr Milner's between the years 1751 and 1754.'

It is known that Goldsmith returned from his

vagabond travels on the continent early in 1756,
when about twenty-seven years of age. His bio-
graphers represent him as then setting up as an
apothecary in some country town, and afterwards as
passing through various employments, amongst others
that of an usher at Dr Milner's school at Peckham.
Mr Allport ascertains that Dr Milner died in June
1757, and that his son and successor removed from
Peckham in May 1759. From the ascertained facts
of Goldsmith's life subsequent to his return from the
continent, our author considers it extremely impro-
bable that he could have served Dr Milner, or his
son, after that period; and this supposition acquires
greater force, if we are to believe the statement fur-
nished by Mr Prior, from the memory of Miss Milner,
a daughter of the master, that Goldsmith continued
about three years in his situation.

interest. To the same review which has afforded us so much of the matter of these two papers, we owe "M. the following version of M. Salverte's remarks. la Boessière," he states, " mentions several medals which appear to have a reference to this subject. One described by M. Duchoul represents the temple of Juno, the goddess of the air: the roof which covers it is armed with pointed rods. Another, described and engraved by Pellerin, bears a figure of Jupiter Elicius; the god appears with the lightning in his hand; beneath is a man guiding a winged stag: but we must observe that the authenticity of this medal is suspected. Finally, other medals cited by Duchoul, in his work on the Religion of the Romans, present the exergue; and bear a fish covered with points placed on a globe or on a patera. M. la Boessière thinks that a fish or a globe, thus armed with points, was the conductor employed by Numa to withdraw from the clouds the electric fire. And comparing the figure of this globe with that of a head covered with erect hair, he gives an ingenious and plausible explanation of the singular dialogue between Numa and Jupiter, related by Valerius Antias, and ridiculed by Arite that they nobius, probably without its being understood by either. The history of the physical attainments of Numa deserves particular examination. At a period when lightning was occasioning continual injury, Numa, instructed by the nymph Egeria, sought a method of appeasing the lightning (fulmen piare): that is to say, in a plain style, a way of rendering this meteor less destructive. He succeeded in intoxicating Faunus and Picus, whose names in this place probably denote only the priests of these Etruscan divinities; he learned from them the secret of making, without any danger, the thundering Jupiter descend upon earth, and immediately put it in execution. Since that period Jupiter Elicius, Jupiter who is made to descend, was adored in Rome. Here the veil of the mystery is transparent to render the lightning less injurious, to make it, without danger, descend from the bosom of the clouds; and the effect and the end are common to the beautiful discovery of Franklin, and to that religious experiment which Numa frequently repeated with success. Tullus Hostilius was less fortunate. It is related,' says Livy, 'that this prince, in searching the memoirs left by Numa, found among them some instructions relative to the secret sacrifices offered to Jupiter Elicius. He attempted to repeat them; but in the preparations, or in the celebration, he deviated

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"If Goldsmith, then," says our author, "remained for any considerable time at Peckham, it must have been prior to his travels on the continent; and I am happy to have it in my power, through the kindness of a friend, to show that such was unquestionably the fact. It is very probable, however, from the bitter reminiscences awakened with respect to the portion of his time occupied in tuition, that after his tour, Goldsmith may have filled a similar situation in some other school less respectably conducted than that of Dr Milner. Though in his works he touches on this subject with considerable playfulness, there are such strong expressions and contemptuous insinuations conveyed in these allusions, as could not have been in any way warranted by his experience at Peckham.

Every trick,' says he in one of his essays, 'is played upon the usher: the oddity of his manners, his dress, or his language, furnishes a fund of eternal ridicule: the master now and then cannot avoid joining in the laugh; and the poor wretch, eternally resenting this ill-usage, seems to live in a state of warfare

* Collections, Illustrative of the Geology, History, Antiquities, and Associations of Camberwell and the Neighbourhood. By Douglas Allport. Camberwell. 1841.

6

The age of Goldsmith at this period is in strict keeping with those anecdotes which are still extant relative to this portion of his life. According to Prior, he was described by Miss Milner as very good natured, playing tricks somewhat familiar, and occasionally a little coarse, upon the servants and boys, telling very entertaining stories, and beguiling his intervals of leisure with the music of his flute. He seems in fact to have been nothing but an overgrown schoolboy, very kind and playful towards his pupils, and as fond as any of a slice of cake. This Irish elas ticity of character, indeed, clung to him in after years, and some amusing anecdotes arising out of it are given by his biographers. Those, however, which relate to his sojourn at Peckham, are but little known. The politeness of a friend, whom I take this opportunity of thanking for the communication, puts me in possession of the following:

'One of my old Peckham friends was a pupil at Dr Milner's, when Goldsmith was usher there, and, among other things, I remember his telling me that while he was at school, some Hanoverian regiment passing through Peckham, was met by Dr Milner and all his scholars, and amongst the number was my old and highly esteemed friend. At the head of the procession marched Goldsmith, and to give him more consideration and dignity, he was dressed in the doctor's wig and gown, in which costume he presented an address to the commander, and delivered a short speech to him in German, to which the officer replied, but not much to the edification of either party-neither seeming well to understand the other. Another version says, the oration was in Latin, which is the more likely, as Goldsmith, even after his continental tour, was no proficient in the German language. The ludicrous gravity of that people seems, however, to have tickled his fancy, and their little decorums of stupidity' are celebrated by him as infinitely amusing.

Goldsmith, when usher,' continues the same kind correspondent, used to sit in that part of the room the little hall at the foot of the stairs: it was subsewhich you enter from the left hand, in going in from quently divided by a partition from the back-parlour

looking towards the south, but then it was all one. His desk was placed between the fire-place and the window nearest to it.' Tradition, a very treacherous and uncertain guide at best, still points out the favoured corner, with the gratuitous addition, that it was in that nook he wrote his Vicar of Wakefield, though the 'first rude germ' of this work, the history of Miss Stanton, did not make its appearance until more than ten years after we have fixed him here." To Goldsmith-thoughtless and improvident, and who, notwithstanding large literary gains, died above three thousand pounds in debt-there could not be a greater contrast amongst his contemporaries than what was presented by David Hume. With good birth and connexions, Hume entered life in poverty; yet he was frugal and fond of independence, and hence, though giving himself up to study, he always tended upwards in fortune. In 1747, when he was thirtyseven years of age, he considered himself as possessed of a competency, for, by saving upon his little means, he had realised a thousand pounds. Twenty-two years afterwards, having written history to some purpose, and enjoyed some profitable employments, he had attained what he considered opulence, for he then had a thousand a-year, and such was the income which he enjoyed till the close of his life in 1776.

* *

"Permit

which made even the society of one person disagree-settled, and that the lady of his uncle's choice was a able to him. Painfully or otherwise, time passed on; young girl of seventeen, by name Mademoiselle der and at the close of March 1746, when Mr Hume had Halliers. She was said to be beautiful, but to possess nearly completed a year's attendance, Captain Vincent no fortune; and her mother, a widow of a managing is found proposing to him that for the future his salary disposition, received the credit of having arranged the should be only L.150. Hume answered by expressing match. his willingness to refer the matter to the marchioness Easy as Alfred was in disposition, this affair threw and Sir James Johnstone. He appears to have been him into no slight alarm. He had been bred by his willing to remain on the reduced terms, if better could uncle to no profession, and the condition into which not be got, although describing his way of living as he would be thrown by losing his prospective heritage, more melancholy than ever was submitted to by any possessed but few charms on contemplation. Had the human creature who ever had any hopes or pretensions old man been likely to secure happiness to himself by to any thing better," and likewise saying, "if to con- the proposed step, perhaps Alfred, who really loved finement, solitude, and bad company, be also added his uncle, would not have deemed it right to interfere; these marks of disregard, I shall say nobut a marriage betwixt an aged and gouty cripple, thing but only that books, study, leisure, frugality, and a girl of seventeen, did not promise much happiand independence, are a great deal better." ness to either party. Accordingly, after due medita A few days more brought his attendance on the tion, Alfred resolved to step in, and do his best to marquis to a conclusion. According to Mr Hume's ward off the threatened calamity. He wrote to the own account, "I never thought myself on better young lady, Mademoiselle des Halliers, and, within s terms with your friend [the marquis], and had a few days afterwards, called at her house, and inquired commission to go to London, in order to deliver a for her mother. Madame des Halliers appeared before certain portrait. I came to him before I set out, and him, a woman of forty, with all the marks of shrewd, askt him, S'il n'avois rien d'autre chose à m'ordonner? sharp widowhood about her. Alfred saw at a glance, [If he had no other orders for me?] He imme- he thought, the character he had to deal with, and diately flew into a passion, sayd I was mocking him, he therefore opened up the business in a very pointIn his autobiography, Hume alludes in the follow- as if he treated me like a servant, and gave me blank manner. "Madam," said he, "I have come ing brief terms to a particular period of his life :- orders or commands; would admit of no explanation, to you respecting the affair you have now in hand "In 1745 I received a letter from the Marquis of and thenceforward would neither eat, speak, nor conwith the Chevalier de Marsan. I am his nephew." Annandale, inviting me to come and live with him in verse with me. I never thought he was capable of "Affair!" answered the lady, somewhat disconcerted; England: I found also that the friends and family of so steady a caprice." Mr Hume withdrew for a few "I-I do not know to what affair you allude." "Par that young nobleman were desirous of putting him days, and then came back in hopes that this gust don me, madam, you have an affair with my unele, in under my care and direction, for the state of his mind would have spent itself; but the poor madman con- which I am deeply interested-to the extent, indeed, and health required it. I lived with him a twelve- tinued as furious as ever. Mr Hume finally retired of my all." "I do not conceive, sir," said the lady, month. My appointments during that time made a from his situation on the 16th. He was by the agree-"that a nephew has any just right" considerable accession to my small fortune." Suchment entitled to the salary of the quarter which had me, madam," interrupted Alfred," to say that I come was the whole amount of the knowledge which we here not to reproach or recriminate. I only beg you have hitherto possessed respecting Mr Hume's conto hear my statement on the subject with patience. nexion with the Marquis of Annandale. I am the natural heir of my uncle, and I know that, though he has always chosen to be alone, he also loves me. pre"We should always have pleasure in maintaining that feeling," said the lady here. "Madam," continued Alfred, "if your daughter marries my uncle, such a thing could scarcely be, without injuring her. self. My uncle is long past the age when he could be loved for himself. You know that his money is the object of this sacrifice of your daughter." "Sir," said Madame des Halliers, "I beg you to understand that my daughter has all the sentiments for your uncle which she ought to have." "Madam, I shall prove the contrary. Permit me in the mean time to say, however, that I and all my uncle's friends will join in an attempt to prevent this union. We may pos sibly be successful. Whether we are or not, I know that my uncle even now means to leave me a third part of his fortune. Two-thirds only could fall to you, therefore, in any case, and there is a chance that none may come. In these circumstances, I have a proposal to make. I wrote to your daughter, before I interfered at all, and she candidly answered, that death seemed to her little less terrible than this marriage. I have learnt, though I never had the honour of seeing her, that she is beautiful, as she is virtuous and sweet tempered. I myself am young, with a hand and heart free. Mademoiselle des Halliers gave no reply to my second letter, which con tained a proposal that, for the good of both parties, she should give her hand to me in place of my uncle. To you I now repeat the proposal." "Give her hand to you!" cried Madame des Halliers. "Why not, madam," said Alfred, "with the heritage of my uncle along with me? I do not presume to blame what you have done, for you doubtless believe money essential to your daughter's happiness; but you are conscious, madam, that it is not my uncle, but you, who have led on this proposal of his. You, also, can break up the matter again, and you alone. Read your daughter's letter, madam, and see the sentiments which she has frankly avowed to a stranger. You cannot, will not, refuse my proposal."

commenced on the 1st; but Vincent demurred to paying it, and offered only L.35, upon the ground that it ought to be paid at the rate which he had lately proA small volume just published makes this part of posed. He thought that, having received L400 Mr Hume's life no longer obscure. Owing to a dis- already, Mr Hume was well off with L.35 for the pute about salary, which caused Mr Hume to take sent broken quarter. Mr Hume stood firm against legal steps for the recovery of what he thought a this degrading proposal, and left the house without right, a number of letters by himself and others, re- receiving the salary of the quarter, and with only a lating to his residence with the marquis, were pre-line from Vincent that he was willing to leave the served in the possession of a legal firm in Edinburgh, matter to the decision of the marchioness and Sir and have now at length been put into the hands of James Johnstone. Vincent writes three days after to the public. They throw a curious light on the cha- the marchioness that he had had more trouble with racter of Mr Hume, and may be considered as a very the "pride and avarice" of Mr Hume "than in any interesting addition to the stock of our biographical points concerning my lord." He also relates that the literature. marquis had conceived a strong antipathy to Mr Hume; and had dismissed him in the most contumelious manner, telling him that he was mercenary and interested, and that his claims for pecuniary consideration on account of the professorship were false, as he never had had it in his power to obtain that situation. Mr Hume himself, in a letter written about two months after, says, "I offered to stay out the quarter, and neither he nor V. would allow me, but positively threatened me with violence."

It appears that the Marquis of Annandale was a young man of weak mind, who required a person of good education and agreeable manners to live with him. Having been pleased with some passages in the essays published by Mr Hume, he expressed a wish to have him for his companion. Accordingly, in February 1745, Mr Hume proceeded from Edinburgh to London upon his lordship's invitation, a hundred pounds having been allowed to pay his expenses. On an agreement that he was to receive three hundred a-year, and payment in full for the quarter during which he might leave or be discharged from the marquis's service, he commenced living with his lordship, on the 1st of April, at Weldehall near St Albans.

The marquis's was a clever madness: he is spoken of as writing epigrams and a novel, and being fond of the writings of Fontenelle and Voltaire. He and the young philosopher lived apart from all the rest of the world-a situation which to the latter must have been one of great sacrifice, as he was naturally of a social temper. The chief persons interested in the unfortunate nobleman were his mother the marchioness, a cousin of hers named Captain Vincent (of the navy), and Sir James Johnstone of Westerhall. Vincent, who had a commission from the marquis for the management of his general affairs, came sometimes to Weldehall, and seems to have been, during the first few months, well pleased with Hume. So much was this the case, that in June he made an effort to get a pension of L.100 a-year settled by the marquis upon his attendant, of whom, in August, he thus spoke in a letter to Sir James Johnstone: "Mr Hume is almost wholly taken up with our friend [the marquis] personally, so that he can scarce have the resource of amusement, or even of business, which is somewhat hard upon a man of erudition and letters, whom, indeed, I think very deserving and good-natured." Hume, on his part, was so far pleased with his situation, or at least its emoluments and prospects, as to resign the idea of competing for the chair of Moral Philosophy in the Edinburgh University-a resignation, however, which proved to be needless, as in the interim the appointment to the chair was disposed

otherwise.

Hume was immediately after engaged as secretary by General St Clair, with whom he left England. The disputed L.75, meanwhile, was hung up, although Henry Home gave Sir James Johnstone his clear opinion that it was legally and fairly due. Strange to say, this claim of our philosopher continued unsatisfied for several years, when, having again settled in Scotland, he commenced a law-suit against the Annandale estate for the money, under the direction of Lord Kames. The Earl of Hopetoun, a near relation of the now lunatic marquis, stopped the process by promising to see justice done; but, after all, Mr Hume was obliged in 1760 to renew legal proceedings, and it was not till nearly fifteen years after the debt was incurred, that it was discharged. The claim appears to have been settled extra-judicially or by reference, as the editor of this curious volume has not been able, after a careful search of the Minute-Book of the Court of Session, to find the case arising from it enrolled.

THE NEPHEW.-A TALE. ONE of the thousands of young men who fluttered, some years ago, about the French capital, enjoying its gaieties as if existence had no other fitting occupation, was Alfred de Marsan. He was a youth who had nothing in the world, and yet knew no wants. He was an orphan, solely dependent on an old and wealthy uncle for subsistence, and for prospects of subsistence. This relative was of very peculiar habits, and scarcely ever permitted his nephew to approach him, yet he duly and regularly honoured the young man's drafts upon his purse. To say the truth, Alfred was not exorbitant in this respect, for, though gay and fond of pleasure like others of his age, In the course of October, a dispute occurred between he was neither profligate nor expensive in his tastes. Captain Vincent and Mr Hume, in consequence of a Accordingly, the two relatives got on very well towish of the latter to remove to a place nearer London, gether the one thankful that he was not harassed by where society would be more within reach. Thence any marked vices or gross exactions on the part of forward they were irreconcileable enemies. Mr Hume his nephew, and the latter so well contented with his now saw the character of Vincent in a most unfavour-condition, as actually to present to the world the rare able light; and in a series of letters to Sir James Johnstone, he speaks of his life as being a melancholy and embittered one, though professing a resolution to weather out all difficulties and discouragements as long as possible. Amongst these was a caprice of the marquis himself in favour of absolute solitude, and * Letters of David Hume, and Extracts from Letters referring to him. Edited by Thomas Murray, LL.D. Edinburgh: Blacks.

1841.

spectacle of a young heir wishing that the possessor
of a hoard of expected wealth might long live to enjoy
it in person.

Suddenly, however, this comfortable state of things
was menaced with a close. Alfred heard that his
uncle was about to be married. At first, the young
man thought the rumour absurd, but it spread and
gained strength by degrees, until at length he learnt
from indubitable authority that the affair was really

Madame des Halliers took her daughter's letter, and, having read it, fell back in her chair in a reverie. She was, we need scarcely tell our readers, a woman not necessarily of bad feelings, because she had acted as related. Her conduct was only that pursued by mothers every day, through an impression of the allimportance of wealth. Madame des Halliers evidently was moved by the letter. Her feelings were apparent to Alfred, and he saw that her prudence only warned her of the possibility of his playing false to his promise after gaining his own ends. Observing that she was not a person of refined delicacy, Alfred, after a little reflection, said, “Madam, I am conscious that, since I ask you to give up for your daughter a fortune which my uncle's generosity would assure to her if she wedded him, it is but fitting that some security should bind me to the fulfilment of my part of the compact. If, therefore, I fail to claim the honour of your daughter's hand, within a decent interval after my succession to my uncle's heritage, I bind myself to yield up the half of it in compensation. He is understood to be worth eight hundred thousand franes. The half of the sum shall be yours." Alfred then sat down and wrote a personal obligation for the proposed sum. He handed it to the lady, saying, "This is an affair in which secrecy is too much to be desired, to permit of witnesses being sought to add force to the obligation. But, believe me, madam, that without any such security, you may safely trust to my honour in this agreement." His manner assured and capti

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