which had fallen from fome Gentlemen, that this trade had never been defended on the grounds of justice or humanity. Of what nature then was the argument which he had heard this night, that the trade was not an outrage, but a benefit to the Africans? This argument was in fact pufhed farther than ever on a fubject on which, he must fay, our duty and religion called upon us to act ourselves instead of leaving our duty to be done by others. He derived great fatisfaction from what had been faid by both his Right Honourable friends to-night (Mr. Dundas and Mr. Windham). They had neither of them denied the injuftice nor the inhumanity of this trade, but had admitted it; but he thought he had heard fome things to night which manifested a difpofition to continue this trade for ever. Indeed he did not understand upon what ground the Houfe was to difpute the propriety of difcontinuing a trade which they themselves had declared to be against justice, against humanity, against morality, against religion, and against every focial compact, and for the abolition of which the honour of the British name, by the expression of the British House of Parliament, ftood pledged.

To defend it on the ground of its having been fanctioned by the British Parliament was abfurd; for if this country had been the author of it, it was the duty of this country, which had been the author of the injury, to be the author of the redrefs. This was a trade carried on under our law, by our fubjects, from our ports, by our capital. If fo, he thought it would not be very difficult for us to abolish it, and that effectually, even without the confent of the colonial affemblies. But this was faid to be impoffible, and that without the confent of the colonial aflemblies we could do nothing; and yet the very fame Gentleman who told us this told us alfo that the colonial affemblies were much alarmed, and trembled left the proceedings of the British Parliament fhould ruin the colonies by abolishing this trade. Both these points could not be folidly founded, for if we could not effectuate the abolition without the confent of the colonies, why fhould they tremble at our proceedings, for, according to that doctrine, the vote of abolition could never be carried into effect without the affent of the colonies; then, why fhould they be alarmed at a measure, which can only have efficacy from their own confent? The truth was indeed, that the Parliament of this country had the means within itself of abolishing completely this trade, and it was now their duty to do fo. When he faw fo many Gentlemen, connected with the West Indies, hoftile to the abo

lition

lition of the trade at any time, and grounded their prefent oppofition on the proceedings of the affembly of Jamaica, and wifhing at the fame time that the colonial affemblies might take the management of this bufinefs into their own hands, these were to him fufficient evidences that nothing decifive was to be expected from the proceedings of thefe affemblies, and if this country was the author of the evil, it became its duty to abolish it. Some perfons might have a difficulty as to the mode in which it was to be done, and might think that however unjust or inhuman the trade might be, yet that it was a matter of great national concern, and not to be governed like a cafe between two individuals. He wifhed to know how any rational man could believe that the conduct of a nation ought to be guided in any manner that had no reference to the laws of nature, or the divine law, or the rules of reason, any more than the affairs of an individual? He believed the one required as much attention as the other to these points, and he believed that those who were the authors, and continuers of this infamous traffic, ought now to put an end to the evil. He hoped he should not fhew himself fo wedded to abftract theories, in oppofition to practical experience, as to exclude things, becaufe in theory they appeared defective, but which in practice had proved to be good. But here the end propofed was not a theory only, but a practical measure. It was twofold. The one was to ftop the mischief, the other to do away the guilt. At all events the one was practicable-that was, to do away the guilt; he believed the other was practicable alfo. But fure he was, they would never obtain credit for intention to do away the mischief on the part of others, until they did away the guilt on the part of themfelves. But his Right Honourable Friend had said, that because a thing was wrong, we fhould not, on that account adopt the contrary meafure by way of remedy for the evil. Perfectly right; but that was not propofed to be done here: it was here only propofed that we fhould difcontinue an expofed, deprecated, convicted, recorded practice of injuftice, rapine, and murder; not whether that fhould not have ever been allowed, but whether it fhould now be deliberately repeated. If we were to ask the advice of the affemblies, we must continue that recorded practice of rapine and murder; we must continue to tear thefe helplefs victims of mifery from their native land, and from their families. But it was not intended to do that which his Honourable Friend hinted at, for it was not intended to fend the negroes back

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again to Africa. His Honourable Friend had faid, that if a man fhould happen to be thrown out of a window, by which he might have a bone fractured, or a joint diflocated -and then to reverfe the cafe, he fhould be thrown up again. It was not propofed to throw any of thefe wretches who had had their bones fractured and joints diflocated, up again; it was only propofed that no more should be thrown out of the window. He wanted an end to be put to the practice, not to adopt the reverse of it; but his Right Hon. Friend thought it would be dangerous to put an end to throwing men out of the window immediately, he wished to abolish the practice gradually, it must be done by throwing one hundred to-day, ninety to-morrow, and fo on, and fo put an end by degrees to the breaking of men's limbs, for that the cuftom had fo long continued, that to abolish it immediately would be an unwife measure. So again was the cafe of his Right Honourable Friend with regard to the running fore, that was not to be stopped at once-no, the blood of thefe poor negroes was to continue flowing, it was dangerous to top it, because it had run fo long; befides, we were under contract with certain furgeons to allow them a certain fupply of human bodies every year for them to try experiments upon, and this we did out of pure love of fcience. Indeed the act of the first importation, as well as the continuance of the trade, was a fyftem of horror, to which this Houfe had given birth, and which it was its duty to put an end to, by an immediate abolition of this most murderous traffic; and he confidered that abolition of the African traffic as the preliminary to, and indeed the fine qua non for the improvement of the condition of the negroes in the West Indies; and this led him to look at the abolition as a matter of prudence for the fafety of our dominions, for without a plan for the improvement of the condition of the negroes in the plantations, there could be no fecurity for the peace of thofe territories. A conftant importation of the wretched victims from Africa was a conftant impor tation of evils of the worst kind. It was against the hor rors of this negro jacobinifm that he wifhed the Parliament of this country to make provifion; every hour in which this was poffible was an hour of danger to the dearest interest of the colonies. For his part, he saw no other way to prevent a blow which threatened the vital interefts of these iflands, but by stopping the farther exportation of flaves from Africa to the West Indies. In attending to the conduct of the colonies, in confequence of the refolutions fent

out

out by that Houfe two years ago, he would afk, had any effectual measures been adopted, or any thing affenting to the wish of the Houfe as to the gradual abolition of Negro Slavery? He owned that in two or three of the Leeward Ilands (St. Kitts, &c.) fome refolutions, tending more that way, had been adopted; yet he did not perceive any such refolutions, as to fatisfy him that the colonifts feriously meant even a qualified abolition. In the refolutions of one of the colonial legislatures, it was exprefsly ftated, "that in meliorating the condition of the flaves, they acted with views of humanity only, and not with any view to put an end to this trade," As to the queftion of right, he would afk what irrevocable right had the iflands to a perpetuity of Negro Slavery? They had faid this country had given them a right to trade in human beings; but are you prohibited from granting a premium upon fraud, robbery and murder, and yet, will you put fellow-creatures on a level with lifelefs commodities, and not give the negroes the chance, at leaft of enjoying their liberty in their native foil? or, would the fureft and ftrongest way of preferving the obedience of His Majefty's fubjects in the Weft Indies be, by perpetu ating to them a licence to continue every tranfgreffion against morality, and even leading to the commiflion of murder itfelf? When he faw that in Jamaica the object of fresh importations was to employ fresh negroes upon uncultivated lands, and learnt that no less than two millions of acres ftill remained in a ftate of rude uncultivation, what muft he infer but that if the object was to continue this trade till all the lands in Jamaica were cultivated, it was in other words to perpetuate flavery for an indefinite term. Having difmiffed that topic, he faid, he hoped the Houfe would agree to the abolition of this nefarious traffic at once, that being the only adequate remedy. Or, if they did not do fo, that they would have the matter brought to a point, and have it declared, exprefsly and fpecifically, for what purpose the Slave Trade was to be continued. That the boundary should be marked for the cultivation of the land. That new land fhould not be cultivated by negroes' labour; for if this was to be allowed, there was no knowing where it was to end. That the notion which fome perfons entertained upon this fubject, that they had a right to cultivate all the lands they had in grants from the crown, was a great error-Here he explained the fubject of grants from the crown, and rectified miftakes in the underftandings of fome perfons upon that fubject; and then proceeded to obferve,

that

that he should no more allow the cultivation of fresh lands by the labour of newly imported negroes, than he should affent to any new colony being established upon any newly difcovered territory. They were both equally repugnant to the spirit of the refolutions of the House, and repugnant to the terms on which even the Planters could pretend that they had a right to the importation of negroes.

It had also been argued, that even were Parliament to abolish this trade, it would not prevent it from being carried on by other nations. Here he muft remark, that already had fome other nations fet us the example, and scarce any remained who were not taking measures of this fort, or who did not regard flavery with abhorrence. He thought, however, that no man could doubt but that if this country were to fet the example, it would in a few years be followed by all the civilized nations of Europe. At any rate, Gentlemen ought not to lull their confciences afleep, by taking it for granted that if England abandoned this traffic, other nations would be forward to take up the guilt and infamy which attached to it; nor could it be doubted but that if Parliament were to tell the colonies that this country had done with the traffic, that it had alfo fufficient power to fee its determination enforced, without the neceffity of recurring to violence it could debar every Britifh fhip from failing for the purposes of this traffic, or from ever returning but upon severe penalties if it should ever be found to have tranfgreffed; nor was this a traffic of fuch a nature that it could be carried into any extent without the almost certainty of its being found out. He hoped that if the House should negative this motion, which he trusted it would not, it would in the course of the present feflion come to a clear and diftinct regulation upon the restraint of cultivation of fresh land in the Plantations. He concluded with giving his hearty affent to the motion.

Colonel Wood thought it impoffible for the British House of Commons to do any thing effectual, without the affent of the colonies; and upon that ground, although he detested the Slave Trade, he opposed this motion

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Monday, March 4.

THE Exchequer Loan Bill, and the Marine Regulating Bill, were read a third time and paffed.

Mr.