of civil law, though it was hardly practicable that there could be two codes of criminal law; it was, however, abfolutely neceflary there fhould be one regal power to administer them; yet, with respect to the laws of Ireland, it was impoffible, but, the circumftance of the regal power being checked by two different Parliaments, effential variations must be introduced, and different interpretations in the text itself by the variety of human judgments; a diverfity which could only be remedied by one common refort, by which all differences might be composed, and by laying down one common system applicable to both. This he ftated to fhew that there was no identity of the regal power. It was true the judges in both countries were appointed by the fame perfon, but in courfe of time, thefe judges muft interpret the laws differently; the inconvenience arifing from this has already been feverely felt in Ireland, he meant with refpect to an influx of capital-it would be one of the beft means of drawing English capital to that country, to fhew the people here that their properties would be as fecure in Ireland as in Great Britain. In faying this, however, he meant not the leaft reflection upon the integrity, or the ability of thofe who adminifter the laws in Ireland, but ftill from the cafes he ftated, the laws were liable to different interpretations.

The next branch of the royal authority regarded its fifcal power that is what related to the expenditure and adminiftration of the public money. The fifcal fupremacy, or, in other words, the controul of the revenues and finances of Ireland was not more poffeffed by the king than was either of the other two. The Exchequer and Parliament of Ireland exclufively held this controul, and they might in difficult times, if even the national coffers were overflowing with national wealth, refufe the king fupplies and all aid for the profecution of any object however momentous, and in any circumftances,. however full of peril. He did not mean to say that the Parliament of Ireland would perverfely refufe fupplies to the crown of Great Britain; but fuch was the kind of power it poffeffed, and thofe who knew how liable were human affairs and human opinions to revolution and change, would not regard as impoflible a conduct fo repugnant to the feelings of Englifhmen, and fo injurious to the interests of the empire. By the arrangement of 1782, in this particular, he infifted the unity of that part of the regal power of both kingdoms was completely annulled. This was an evil, however, that would be gradually extinguished by an incorporated Union; and in this part of the present fyftem of Ireland was peculiarly liable to feel an inconve7 D

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nience he meant with refpect to Loans; it was to this country that Ireland in cafes of neceflity must look for a fupply, and the difficulty of negotiating them here must be increafed, by the idea that the Irish Parliament was completely independent of this country.-But in the event of a Union this objection would alfo vanish, and a fyftem of mutual aid and accorimodation, in the line of finance, would fpeedily be established.-From this confideration he next paffed to a point which he faid, at the prefent moment, was of more than ordinary importance-namely, the Military Power of the crown. He would, in the present instance, but dwell lightly on the Naval Power of the crown, as it the less concerned Ireland as a distinct kingdom, but fee the conftitution of the Military Force in the British fyftem of GovernThe Mutiny Bill, by which the Army was alone fupported, was fubmitted to the difcretion of Parliament from year to year. If it was important to the independence of the country that the Mutiny Bill fhould be annual, the claim of that right here implied the claim to the renewal of it every year in Ireland. The army of the crown in Ireland was in like manner at the mercy of the Irish Parliament, and they had it in their power to refuse the fupplies for its fupport. Many cafes might be supposed, wherein this independent legislative power, on the part of Ireland, might tend almoft to the deftruction of the empire at large, and where this part of the identity of the Regal Power might be null and void. He would cite a particular inftance; it was a very few years ago that the Parliament of this country thought proper, upon the recommendation of the crown, to augment the pay of the Naval and Military Forces. The Parliament of Ireland did the fame with refpect to her Military Eftablishment. Whether it was inclination or neceflity that induced them to do fo, he should not enquire; but he would afk what might the confequences be, if it pleased the Irish Parliament to exercife their independence, in refusing the augmentation? This part of the iubject embraced another very ferious point, namely, in what regarded the qualifications and tefts required of perfons admitted into the fervice; thefe were in confequence of the regulations of the Irish Parliament in fome degree different in both countries; the poffible confequences of fuch a diftinction might be well conceived, and it was well known, that on the cordial co-operation of military forces of a country that its existence depended-the admiffibility of Catholics into the Army, through the medium of the Irish Regulations, was a pollible

evil of ferious magnitude; and here he obferved, he intended no reflection whatever upon the loyalty or zeal of the Englifh Catholics, as he believed there did not exist in the kingdom a body of men more zealously attached to the conftitution of their country-and in thefe views of this part of the regal power he believed it was obvious there existed no bond of Union. He had thus gone through the Ecclefiaftical, the Judicial, the Fifcal, and the Military Branches of the Regal Power-there ftill remained some other and equally important branches to be confidered; the first of these was what related to the concerns of external policy, fuch as the power of Peace or War, and Foreign Negotiation; and in these refpects let it it be confidered what the poffible confequences of the present system might be-His Majefty by the advice of the Parliament of one country, might be at War with a particular power with whom the Irish Parliament might think it the intereft of their country to be at Peace, and engaged in treaties of commerce. There were two inftances which occurred very lately in which the reality of this fuppofition might have been experienced. He referred to the time of the Spanish and Ruffian armaments, when his Majesty had thought proper to arm, repecting the bufinefs of Nootka Sound. His intereft as King of Great Britain was of a remote and fpeculative nature; but with refpect to that of Ireland, it was still more remote. What would have been the confequence if the propriety of thofe armaments had been made matter of doubt and debate in the Parliament of Ireland, as well as in the Parliament of England? The confequence would have been, that probably this country would have been at war with a power, againft which Ireland might not have confidered it her intereft to have engaged. Suppofe it had happened that the fentiments of the People of England and Ireland refpecting the great conteft in which this country was engaged had differed, that, instead of each of thofe, as he had no doubt was the cafe confidering that the War with France was a juft and neceffary one, in which we were forced by the aggreffion of her rulers, and that we were compelled to purfue in order to preferve our existence and independence as a nation-if, instead of this, and there had not been wanting perfons in both countries to enforce French doctrines with all the vehemence of which they were capable, -if he faid it had been the opinion of the people of England that it would have been for the benefit of the country that France fhould have got poffeffion of the fineft provinces of Europe, and that the principles in which their Go7 D 2

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vernment was founded were really best calculated to promote the happiness, not only of the French themfelves, but of neighbouring nations, and fo thinking had wished to have avoided the war with them; if, on the contrary, the people of Ireland had been of opinion that the aggreffions on the part of France imperiously called upon the nations of Eu rope to arm against her, that it was their common interest to refift her power and ambitious defigns, but in particular that the peculiar fituation of Ireland demanded of them to refift with all her strength. Persuaded as the might have been of the neceflity of that refiftance, could any infatuation whatever have juftified the running headlong into a contest in which divifion was ruin? Would it be poffible for an independent Parliament, with fuch impreffions, to fay to the Parliament of England, you, it is true, are decifively of opinion, that this war is an unjust confederacy against the liberty and freedom of France; we, on the other hand, think that her conduct throughout Europe is a facred call to refiftance, but it would be only wafting our breath to infift upon it; we deny it to be fo out of regard to the opinion of the Parlia ment of England, and in order to preferve the connection between us. There ftill remained to be confidered the Executive Power, as prefiding over the internal policy of Ireland, and with refpect to this he thought it would be a mere wafte of time to attempt to prove that under the prefent fyftem there was the least bond of connection whatever when the internal concerns of Ireland were referred to.-One point yet remained untouched, it was certainly one of importance, but of fuch a nature, one upon which fo much difference of opinion feemed to prevail even within thofe walls, that he hardly knew how to argue upon it; it refpected the power of the crown, in the choice of its confidential advisers and minifters, for the affairs of both countries. Was the crown to be advised by perfors who conftituted the Irith Parliament, or the English Parliament, or both? if by the English Parliament only, in what did the independence of the Irish Parliament confift? Was it not evident that the Parliament of Ireland was debarred of all fuperintendance and concern over all measures, as applicable to the internal fyftem of Ireland itfelf? Look to the fituation of Ireland, and mark whether the government was carried on with that degree of conciliation which was neceflary to its profperity. If on all points relating to Ireland, the crown was to be advifed by the Irish Parliament, without reference to the English Parliament, or by the English inftead of the Irish Parlia

ment,

ment, where in either of those cases was the link of connection between them? The question was one of peculiar delicacy, whether it regarded the advisers of the crown for the concerns of the general policy of the empire, or for the administration of the particular affairs of either country; the queftion of the refpective controul of either Parliament was here to be confidered; and confidering this controul as vefting equally in each for the guidance of the respective minifters of each country, the regal bond of Union was here as inefficacious as in any of the other branches of the regal power: but it had fallen to his lot to hear a very different language, even in that House, and from those who now per tinaciously stickle for the independence of Ireland.

heard His Majefty's British Minifters cenfured for what was deemed the malverfation of the Irish Government, and not only for that, but even for acts paffed in the Irish Parliament. How thofe ideas could be reconciled with the independence either of that Parliament or that country, he would leave it to those persons to reconcile. When fuch difcuffions had been agitated, he had always contended that the measures so arraigned were under the separate controul of the Irish Parliament. Could it be doubted, however, that if a fyftem were really purfued in Ireland, calculated to alienate from this country, England must be interested; but in the present ftate of the connection, how could the Parliament of Great Britain interfere with measures advised and enforced by the independent legislature of Ireland? What would be the con fequence if that Houfe of Commons, which rejected the confideration of the queftion of Union, had chofen to proceed farther? What, if they had infifted upon the removal of those Ministers by whofe advice the measure of a Union was brought forward, and if, as is happily the cafe at present, thofe Minifters poffeffed the confidence of the British Parliament? The identity of the regal power then continues only fo long as the feparate independent Parliaments continue to be influenced by the fame fentiments. At prefent, therefore, independence and connection are irreconcilable. Having thus, he obferved, touched upon all the parts in which the bond of the Union between the countries was afferted to confift, and in which detail he trusted he had clearly proved its nullity, he contended, that the countries were reduced to the alternative of either giving up the exercise of the independence of the Parliament of the one country, or of all bond of connection whatever between both. There was a particular inftance, which could be introduced beft in this

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