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of the means by which they have been hitherto defeated, as well as in order to enable the Houfe to judge fully of the perfeverance with which the fyftem is purfued, and of the nature and tendency of the meafures which are carrying on at the prefent moment, your Committee deem it neceflary, before they advert to more recent tranfactions, to go back to that period, when societies of this tendency first appeared in both kingdoms, and to trace, as fhortly as they can, their progrefs and intercourfe to the present time.

The Society of United Irishmen was established in the year 1791; and other focieties in Great Britain, particularly the Constitutional Society (which had long exifted, but about this time affumed a new character), the Correfponding Society (which was inftituted in the fpring of 1792), and the focieties of perfons in Scotland terming themfelves The Friends of the People,' (which originated at nearly the fame period), appear to have adopted, in their fullest extent, all the extravagant and violent principles of the French revolution. The events which followed, in the course of that year and the year 1792, encouraged among the leading members of these focieties, and other perfons of fimilar principles, a fanguine hope of introducing into both countries, under pretence of the "reform of abuses," what they termed a "new order of things," founded on the principles of that revolution. The degree of bigotry and enthusiasm with which they attached themfelves to thefe principles, was manifefted, as well as by the fpeeches and writings of the members of the focieties, as by the zeal with which they laboured to propagate among the lower claffes of the community, a fpirit of hatred and contempt for the exifting laws and government of the country.

It can hardly he neceffary to recall to the recollection of the Houfe, the industry with which they endeavoured to diffeminate these fentiments, by the circulation of their own) proceedings and refolutions; uniformly directed to vilify the forms and principles of the British conftitution; to reprefent the people of this country as groaning under intolerable oppreflion; to eradicate all religious principle; and to recommend a recurrence to experiments of defperate innovation, fimilar to thofe which were at that time adopted in France. For the fame purpofe, the works of Paine, and other feditious and impious publications, were distributed throughout almost every part of the kingdom, with an activity and profufion beyond all former example.

So confident were the focieties of the efficacy of thefe meafures,

meafures, that they appear almost universally to have looked forward from the beginning, to the entire overthrow of every existing establishment in these kingdoms, and to the creation of fome democratical form of government; either by uniting the whole of the British empire into one republic, or by dividing it into two or more republics... The confpirators in Ireland, unquestionably, always meditated the complete feparation of that country from Great Britain; all, however, confidered themfelves as engaged in one common caufe, as far as related to the deftruction of the existing conftitution; all looked to the fuccefs of the difaffected in each country as forwarding their common views; and each was ready to fupport the other in any refiftance to the lawful government: a frequent intercourfe among them was therefore confidered as important to their ends; and they all invited, or expected, the countenance and aid of France.

The attempts made in the beginning of this confpiracy to difguife the real objects under falfe pretences, which ought at no time to have impofed even on fuperficial obfervers, have long fince been abandoned. Subfequent transactions have not merely fhewn the extremes to which the nature and principles of these focieties naturally led, but have completely unveiled the original and fettled defigns of the perfons chiefly concerned in them. Your Committee beg leave, in this place, to refer the Houfe to his Majefty's Proclamation of the year 1792, and the feveral Addresses of both Houses of Parliament thereupon; to the Reports of the Committees of Parliament in this kingdom aud in Ireland; and to the different trials for treafon and fedition in both kingdoms: and they are confident, that an attentive

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1798

Trial of Muir, Skirving, Margarot, Gerald, Pal

mer, and others, for fedition in Scotland, ia

1793 and 1794.

of Watt and Downie, for treafon in Scotland,

in 1794.

of Hardy and others for treafon in 1794.

of Redhead, al. Yorke, for fedition, in 1795.
of Stone for treafon in 1796.

examination

examination of thofe documents can leave no doubt in the opinion of the House (even on the circumftances known at that early period) refpecting the real nature and extent of the original confpiracy.

SECT. III. Firf open Attempt in Scotland. The groundwork having been thus laid in each kingdom, the first public attempt which was openly directed to the object of overthrowing the government and effecting a revolution was made in Scotland, under circumftances which even then evidently marked the connection between the difaffected throughout his Majesty's dominions. An affembly, ftiling itfelf" A General Convention of Delegates from the Societies of the Friends of the People throughout Scotfand," met at Edin burgh on the 11th of December, 1792. Thomas Muir, a leading member of this aflembly,, endeavoured to prevail upon its members, at one of their meetings, to receive and anfwer a paper, intituled, " An Addrefs from the Society of United Irishmen in Dublin to the Delegates for pro moting a Reform in Scotland," dated the 23d of November 1792, and fet forth in the Appendix (No. 1.) in which the United Irish addrefs the Scotch delegates in what they term "the fpirit of civic union in the fellowship of a just and common caufe;" and rejoiced, "that the Scotch did not confider themselves as merged and melted down into another country;" but that in the great national queftion to which the addrefs alluded, "they were ftill Scotland."They added, "that the cause of the United Irish was also the cause of the Scotch delegates ;" that "Universal Emancipation, with Reprefentative Legislature, was the polar principle which guided the Society of United Irifhmen; that their end was "a National Legislature, their means, an union of the whole people." And they recommended affembling the people in each county in, what they term, "peaceable and conftitutional convention;" the object of which they attempted to disguise by the pretence of reform and petition to Parliament. Several members of the Scotch Convention appear to have been alarmed at the language of this addrefs, and, notwithstanding the efforts of Muir, no anfwer was fent; and the meeting adjourned to April 1793, The conduct of Muir in this affembly formed part of the charge of fedition, upon which he was afterwards tried and found guilty. His zeal, however, recommended him to the confpirators in Ireland; and on the 11th of January 1793, he became a member of the Society of the United Irithmen of Dublin.

No. 31.

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He was abfent in France at the time of the fecond meeting of the Scotch Convention, which affembled in April 179% and again adjourned itself to the 29th of October following; when it met a third time at Edinburgh, after the trial of Muir, who was convicted and fentenced to transportation in August 1793. It is well known that he afterwards efcaped from the place of his transportation, and has recently refided in France, pursuing a conduct marked by the moft inveterate hoftility to his country.

This meeting of the Scotch Convention in October 1793 appears to have been held in concert with feveral focieties in England, and particularly the Constitutional Society and the London Correfponding Society, already mentioned.These focieties afterwards fent delegates to the Scotch Convention; the terms of whose instructions demonstrate the dangerous views of those who sent them.

Hamilton Rowan, a member of the Society of United Irishmen of Dublin (now a fugitive from Ireland, and attainted of high treafon), and the Honourable Simon Butler (likewife a member of the Society of United Irifhmen), attended this meeting; and Hamilton Rowan had previously been folicited, by letter from Scotland, on the fubject of fending delegates from Ireland to the Convention. It does not appear, however, that thefe perfons bore the diftinct character of delegates, but they were received with marked attention; and the Convention refolved, on the 5th of November 1793, "That any of the members of the Society of United Irishmen of Dublin should be admitted to speak and vote in the Convention." On the 22d of November 1793 the Convention had changed its title to that of "The British Convention of Delegates of the People, affociated to obtain Univerfal Suffrage and Annual Parliaments." They affumed, in almoft every particular, the ftyle and mode of proceeding adopted by the National Convention of France; they divided themfelves into 'fections, committees of organization, inftruction, finance, and fecrecy;' granted honours of fitting; made honourable mention in their minutes of patriotic donations; entered their minutes "in the firft year of the British Convention;" instituted primary focieties, provifional affemblies and departments;' received from their fections a variety of motions and reports, some of which, in their studied affectation of French phrafes, had

Report of Secret Committee of the Houfe of Commons, June 1794

the

the words "Vive la Convention" prefixed to them, and ended with "Ca Ira ;" and fome were dated "first year of the British Convention, one and indivifible."

The views of this dangerous affembly appear from the minutes of their proceedings, and from the corrfpondence of Skirving, their fecretary, Margarot and Gerald, the delegates of the London Correfponding Society, and Hardy, the fecretary of that fociety; which are stated in the Report of the Committee of this House in 1794, and in the Appendix to that Report, and were given in evidence on the trials above referred to.

It is obfervable upon the face of thefe minutes tha the funds of this Convention were extremely low; fo low, that perhaps at first fight the affembly itself may appear to have been rather an object of contempt, from the apparent inadequacy of its pecuniary means, than an object of alarm from the dangerous extravagances of its revolutionary defigns. It is happy for the peace of this country that the means of these focieties, in their different fhapes and stages, have not been more equal to fuch defigns. But the recent proceedings in Ireland too plainly show that though the want of money may retard the progrefs and cripple the exertions of fuch confpiracies, yet numbers thus leagued together for the total fubverfion of the government and constitution of a country poffefs means (which if not feafonably counteracted) may introduce fcenes of the most horrid confufion, rebellion, and blood.

This Convention continued to hold its meetings in the city of Edinburgh until the 4th of December 1793; when its objects evidently tending towards open rebellion, fome of its members were arrested, together with Skirving, their fecretary; and Skirving, Margarot, and Gerald were afterwards tried in Scotland for fedition, and fentenced to transportation. The members of this Convention, notwithstanding the arreft of fome of their body, affembled again on the 5th of December, and refused to difperfe till compelled by the magiftrates; but they continued for fome time to meet privately, in different focieties, and to carry on a fecret correfpondence with various parts of England and Scotland.

The Society of United Irishmen of Dublin, who had already fhown the intereft they took in the meeting of this Convention, appear, (as was to be expected) to have confidered its difperfion as hoftile to their views, and declared

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their

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