throughout Ireland as the proclamation of the Irith government. Sir, I will fairly and frankly say, that a more flimfy or more offenfive production, in my opinion, was never offered to the world. In this work, indeed, I do find fome reafons urged for dispatch; but, I confefs, I fee no connection between the diforder and the remedy propofed. I remember a man in a farce, who says, that he is in such distress that he will take any body's advice. This may be the language of a man labouring under a defperate disease-he may fay that he will take any remedy; but we, who are removed from the scene, are bound to fee whether the remedy propofed for Ireland is a proper one or not. I confefs it appears to me to be calculated to inflame and increase the diforder, rather than eradicate it. But let us fee what this pamphleteer fays: he has firft a great dread of the machinations of two powers which have much influence on the people, and produce a confiderable effect upon Ireland. These two powers are the Pope and the English oppofition. The writer feemed to think that Ireland would go on very well without an Union, were it not for the English oppofition; and as to the Pope, he thinks the Union will completely detach Ireland from his influence. Add to this the melancholy reflection, that the Irish parliament has long been made the theatre for British faction. When at a lofs for subjects of grievance in Great Britain, they ever turn their eyes to this kingdom, in the kind hope that any feed of difcontent may be nourished by their foftering attention, into ftrength and maturity.-Incapable of beating the Minifter on his own ground, they change the place of attack, and wound him. from the fide of Ireland.-Need I allude to the question, of the Commercial Propofitions, the queftion of the Regency, and the queftion of the Catholics; when we have feen the leaders of the British oppofition come forward to fupport the character of Irish rebels, to palliate and juftify Irish treafon, and almoft to vindicate Irish rebellion? The whole attempt of this gentleman is to make out the bad effects arifing from the influence of the Pope and the English oppofition. But the means by which he propofes to counteract this evil are extraordinary. The mode of quieting the Catholics is by making them defperate-by telling them they have nothing to hope from the parliament; and this, he thinks, is the beft way to detach them from their prejudices. "Diffatisfaction would fink into acquiefcence, and acquiefcence foften into content." A very pretty fentence for a novel from Hook

ham's

ham's. But what right has this pamphleteer to affume, that when the Union is to take away the rights of the Catholics, that diffatisfaction will fink into acquiefcence? Why, too, is this the proper time of an Union? Why, because, according to this gentleman, there may be a change of Minifters, or of a Lord Lieutenant; because it may depend,and he ftates this, not with much decency, I think,-upon the life of a fingle perfonage. With more than the pride of human ignorance, and more than the prefumption of mortal arrogance, this pamphleteer ventures to fet at defiance all experience, to defpife all eftablished policy, to conceive that fo many men could live content to be excluded from all civil rights on account of religious differences. He pronounces an external exclufion against three millions of the people of Ireland from all fhare in the government to which they muft fubmit. Mark too the indelicacy of another argument which he urges to fhew the neceffity of dispatch

What then is intended by a fleady and firm adminiftration? Is is a determined, inflexible fupport of Proteftant afcendancy, and a rigorous and indignant rejection of Catholic claims? Who will be a guarantee of that system, and whom will it content? The Catholics will not acquiefce in its propriety. A party of Proteftants in Ireland term it unjuft and abfurd; another party in England term it by fouler names; great leaders in oppofition, poffibly the future minifters of England, may condemn it; and fome members of the British Cabinet are fuppofed to be adverse to it. Its ftability may reft upon accident, upon the death of a fingle character, upon the change of a Minifter, on the temper of a Lord Lieutenant; and the policy of this fyftem is much doubted by the people of England.

Such arguments as thefe indeed do not feem very well calculated to foften acquiefcence into content. To the Proteftants he fays, that the only chance of their being able finally to overcome the importunity of Catholic claims, is from the character of the British Parliament, while to the Catholics he holds out the temptation of their claims being there admitted. This inconfiftency does appear fomewhat extraordinary, as both arguments appear in the fame pamph let. I dare fay the gentleman underftands Irifh; and it would have been as well if he had put the addrefs to the Catholics in Irish, and the addrefs to the Protestants in English. How he came to put both in English, I leave to the writer to reconcile. Sir, with refpect to his dread of the English Oppofition, I fhall not prefs that much; but he

propofes

proposes a comical remedy. Our speeches, he says, inflame the Irish Parliament; that can only be by the reports which are printed of the debates; a proceeding, which fome perfons, I understand, deem to be a bad one; and think that the people have nothing to do with their reprefentatives after they have elected them. It is a comical remedy, therefore, for this evil, to propofe to bring these Irish fenators into the very focus of fedition. Sir, I belong to that country, and I should say this was rather an Irish kind of precaution. These are the two grounds which he states as reasons against all delay. The third ground he lays down is whimfical enough; he cautions us to confider the dreadful confequences of the two legiflatures not agreeing. Surely, Sir, fomething is to be allowed to experience. Have the two legislatures differed? He ftates two cafes, the Irish propofitions and the regency. Who were the perfons who are faid to have had moft influence in Ireland then? Why many of those who form part of the prefent adminiftration? This obfervation, therefore, applies to perfons who poffefs a greater degree of power now than they did then. But the two legislatures have not differed, and it is lefs likely that they would in future, because they must be more convinced of the neceffity of unity. With refpect to the Irish propofitions, we offered what was confidered as a bounty, which the Irish rejected on account of the conditions annexed to it. The fourth propofition, which I had the honour to oppofe, was rejected by them, because they confidered it as an indirect attack upon their independence. With refpect, therefore, to the Irifh propofitions, no in-, ference, I contend, can be drawn from them, of the probable difagreement between the two legiflatures. With refpect to the question about the Regency, that was an anomalous cafe. The Irish Parliament agreed in opinion with the minority of the English, but did the former wish to have a different regent from the latter? No, Sir, they wished to have one only on different conditions. If a perion were looking to this new adjuftment, he would naturally think that fince the laft had been adopted, much oppofition and difference had exifted between the two legiflatures, and that that was the reason for this new measure. What however would that perfon think, if he was told that in these fixteen years no difference had exifted; that Ireland had poured her treafures for England; that the had fought for her, bled for her, co-operated with her, fhewn her utmost loyalty to her, and had been fworn and tied to the fide of England. Yet

in

in fpite of all these things, for fome strange reason, and at a time of peril, this plan of difcord is reforted to, for reafons, I fay, which no man has yet explained. There is fomething, Sir, in this fo extraordinary and prepofterous, that I am juftified in contending, we ought in the outfet to have been informed of the motives for it. Above all, I should wish, if I cannot perfuade the Right Honourable Gentleman to withdraw the plan altogether, to be able to perfuade him to withdraw all ideas of carrying it through by intimidation and corruption; to induce him to fend to the Lord Lieutenant, and to fay, we difdain buying Ireland, and that His Majesty difapproves of the difmiffal of his tried: fervants. Upon every feeling of honour and humanity, I with that Ireland should have fair play. If it is the defire of Ireland that it fhould take place, then, whatever my own opinion may be, let it take piace. If it is not the defire of. Ireland, all the confequences which I have stated will, I am firmly convinced, refult from it.

"I have already ftated three of the reafons which this Gentleman gives for the adoption of the measure at the prefent moment. There is a fourth, which if any man can hear without contempt and indignation, he muft have very. different feelings from my own. There have been thofe who have thought that the mode by which the Irish recovered their independence has lodged diffatisfaction in the breasts of fome perfons here; there may be fome too who are diffatisfied with the rejection of the Irish propofitions. The Right Hon. Gentleman, I remember, expreffed his fanguine withes, that they would be accepted by the Irish Parliament. They failed, and the Minifter furvived. But, if any perfons had faid, that the manner in which the volunteers wrung from the tardy juftice of England the independence of Ireland; I fay, if any man had prefumed to fay, that that manner was wrong, they would have met with the rebuke of all candid men. The next argument which this English Secretary, who has thriven in Ireland to what he now is, provokes mingled contempt and indignation. Hear what he fays to fhew the propriety of feizing the present moment.

"As to a time of war, it is true, that the volunteers took advantage of the embarraffments of Great Britain in the laft war, to affert the independence of our Parliament. It is likewife true, that the United Irifhmen in the present. war have taken advantage of the fuppofed weakness of Great Britain to play the game of feparation. When, there

fore,

fore, enemies of the empire take advantage of a time of war and embarraffment to effect its ruin, we should turn against them their own game, and make use of a time of war to eftablifh its fecurity."

"Thus, Sir, this official promulgator of the creed of the Caftle conceives, that we are to recollect, with a vindictive fpirit, that Ireland recovered her independence; that we are to turn her own game against her; and then comes this fublime vengeance, and we are to refume that independence. Sir, if there can be one argument which ought to rouse the feelings and indignation of the Houfe more than another, this is that one. These are the only arguments which I can find in this pamphlet, in contradiction to all the disadvantages which I have ftated as likely to refult from the meafure. The question is fimply this: against all these disadvantages, against the poffible confequences with regard to the colour and pretence which the Irish may have in future, against all these, are these four propofitions: 1ft. The Pope and the English oppofition-2d. The fitnefs of the prefent opportunity, for fear of a change of minifters or of lordlieutenants-3d. The apprehenfion of difagreement between the two legislatures:-and, 4th. This bafe and deteftable thing, that we are to retort the game which was played off against England. Do I ask too much, then, when I defire Minifters to paufe till we can have the fair sense of the people of Ireland? Sir, I have confined myself only to the time in which the measure is brought forward; it is not my intention to go into the general topic of the Union now, nor to dwell upon the circumstances which affect England; it must be allowed to be a queftion of immenfe magnitude to us, both as regarding our interefts and Conftitution. I fay, that there is an extraordinary apathy and fupineness in the people of England upon the fubject, as if it no way affected them, and as, if Ireland chofe to place her fceptre under that mace, we were to fit here and receive her tributary contingence. In the minds of fome men there is an idea, that by the degradation of others, they gain fomething themIn the minds too of many connected more particularly with the North, there is, I fear, not merely an indifference, but that they can hardly think that to be a facrifice which the pride of Scotland confented to. Sir, I confefs I difcharge what I conceive to be my duty with little, I may fay, with no hope of producing the effect I wish; I know not that there is any Member in the Houfe who is of the fame fentiments upon the fubject with myself; but is it 4Q

felves.

No. 17.

ma.ter