for Ireland but what the extorted, and what the had a right to demand; he seemed to think that paft favours were no proofs of kindness. He wished to afk the Hon. Gentleman, whether an independent country can demand to trade to our colonies as a matter of right? He wished to know whether an independent country could infift upon fending her linens to this country, under advantageous circumstances, as a right? He wished to know whether an independent country could demand the liberty of fending her goods into this country, in order to be re-exported with English bounties, as a matter of right? It was undoubtedly proper that these advantages fhould be given to Ireland, because the profperity of Ireland is the profperity of England; but they were not privileges upon which they could infift as matters of right. He did not use this as the language of intimidation, but merely to fhew the good difpofition with which England had acted towards Ireland. It was not his intention to enter at all into the detail of this fubject, which would come from higher authority, but before he fat down he would intreat the House, before they adopted the amendment made by the Hon. Gentleman, to reflect that if they did agree to it, they would put an end to the only great and comprehenfive view that had ever been taken of the affairs of Ireland. The plans propofed refpecting Ireland, except in the cafe of the Irish propofitions, were in general to answer fome immediate party purpose. It was a little fingular to confider from whom this oppofition came; was it from Gentlemen who, when they had the power in their hands, took a great and comprehensive view of the ftate of Ireland?-No, when they were propofing a measure refpecting Ireland, they overlooked threefourths of its inhabitants. It was then faid by those Gentlemen that the work was done, and the troubles of Ireland appealed, and yet, in their plan, the word Catholic never once occurred. But now, when there was a fyftem propofed which would benefit both countries, what were the weapons by which it was opposed? Why Catholic Emancipation and Parliamentary Reform. How came the Hon. Gentleman's friends not to think fourteen years ago of Catholic Emancipation and Parliamentary Reform? With refpect to the latter, the perfon who was then Minifter directed the Lord Lieutenant to put down that question at all events; and as to Catholic emancipation, not one word was faid about it. Whether the oppofition of the Hon. Gentleman was likely to be fuccefsful, before the plan was opened, No. 18. 4 S or or whether the Houfe would decide upon fuch arguments as they had heard, he could not determine; but he begged the Houfe to confider that this was not a question of flight importance-it was a queftion upon which depended the fafety of one member of the empire, and the happiness of the whole. If they felt they were difcuffing a question refpecting the fafety of a country for which their fleets had fought and conquered, would they not feel it their duty to do fomething more for the happiness of Ireland than had been atchieved even by the victories of their fleets? If the Houfe felt, as he believed it did, he hoped they would not decide upon a partial guefs of what might be the fenfe of the people of Ireland. He trufted they would not prejudge the queftion-they would recollect that they fat there protected free from invafion and rebellion, the Irish had been fmarting for years from internal diffentions, and he hoped the Houfe would not, by adopting this amendment, put it out of their power to apply in the only place where they could get relief. Mr. Jones faid, that after the brilliant fpeeches which the House had just heard, he had no great hope of being very favourably attended to; but he was prompted by a . fenfe of his duty to deliver his fentiments upon this queftion; and indeed he thought that every member ought to come forward upon this occafion, for on the decifion of it might depend not only the fafety of the two kingdoms immediately involved, but perhaps the happinefs of a great part of the habitable globe. He fhould not attempt to follow the Honourable Gentleman who fpoke laft, "through all the mazes of metaphorical confufion" which danced through his mind. What he principally grounded his objection to the measure upon was this, that the time was improperly chofen for its introduction; and he could not help coinciding in opinion with a very worthy character in Ireland (Mr. Foster), that it was, at once, "unneceffary, unprovoked, and unfolicited." He thought that this measure ought to come from Ireland, and not from England. He thought that while there was any one rebel unfubdued in Ireland, the rebellion could not be faid to be properly quelled, nor the country fafe; and he had faid fo on a former occafion; but he did not think that this was the way to put an end to that rebellion; he thought it would have a contrary tendency. It would promote the distractions of the country, and extend that fyftem of horrible rapine which unhappily had too long prevailed. He thought thought alfo that hereafter, fhould this meafure be adopted, that thofe who oppofed it in Ireland would be placed in an alarming fituation; they might be fubjected to military dif cipline, perhaps to torture; and this was, among many others, a reafon why he could not approve of the meafure, nor wish to see it brought forward, unlefs it was the defire of the people of Ireland. A great deal had been faid against French principles: no man detefted them more than he did; but that was a very ftrong reafon with him against this meafure, for he thought it was not only built on French principles, but appeared to be a fpecies of French fraternity. He knew how unpleasant it was to hear a few plain things, after hearing fo many fine ones, and therefore he did not wonder at the indifference with which he was heard. It was faid, there were many evils exifting in Ireland-granting that to be true, in the name of God who were the best judges of them, the Parliament of that, or of this country? The Hon. Gentleman had acknowledged that the Irish Parliament fuppreffed the late rebellion; now if the Irish Parliament was capable of this, why disfranchife that Parliament? Why fay you shall fit no longer; but you may fend one hundred members here? Was it likely that fuch a reprefentation could manage the affairs of Ireland better than its own Parliament? But the Minifter here faid, he would take care of them all himself. This was a strong fact, and the language of the Minifter upon this occafion was the fame in fpirit as the language of the French in their fraternity. This was a fubject which deferved much more time than Minifters appeared difpofed to give it; he begged leave to remind the Houfe, that the Union with Scotland took up an hundred years. He was clearly convinced, that the people of Ireland could not, in their prefent condition, deliberate freely upon this matter; that they were under the ideas at leaft of intimidation by military force. He had no party motive, he fpoke the language of an independent man, and he declared, as a Member of Parliament, that he thought this measure was contrary to the principle. of justice, and hostile to that for which he had the highest veneration-the real and sterling rights of man. Upon thefe principles he was bound to fupport the amendment. Mr. Sheridan explained what he apprehended had been mifconceived by the Hon. Gentleman, and the first part of it related to what was faid upon fhutting the door now against the king's meffage, when it was evident, that he had 4S 2 called called for the interpofition of the Houfe, by an exprefs motion laft feffion upon the affairs of Ireland. He did not fhut the door against the king's meffage; on the contrary, he confented that it fhould be answered; he only deplored the nature of the meffage which his Majefty had been advised to make at this moment, and defired the interference of the House in the affairs of Ireland, when that interference appeared to him to have been likely to produce the moft falutary effects. As to the fubject of intimidation, which his Honourable Friend had applied to the whole Parliament of Ireland, he must observe, that he never faid he thought the whole Parliament of Ireland would be intimidated; but he said, he believed that the people at large felt that the army would obey the directions they received, and that these directions depended upon the executive government of this country, and that under that feeling they could not be expected to exprefs their opinions freely. Offence had been taken at the term French incorporation, and it was faid that the countries which the French compelled to unite with them, were not admitted to the participation of fuch advantages as Ireland would be with Great Britain; but the question was not a comparison of bleffings, but of the mode in which the measure was to be carried into effect: would it be faid that this country was to compel Ireland to agree to an Union, because we were certain that it was for her advantage? He fhould ftill contend that the influence ufed by Government in difmiffing perfons who held public fituations from the fervice of the public, was an intimidation which would operate powerfully over the country. While fuch conduct was adopted, the inference was plain, that the measure could not be fairly and impartially confidered; and that if it were carried it would prove the foundation of future difcord and contention. The queftion being put The Chancellor of the Exchequer fpoke to the following effect:-After the manner in which this fubject has been agitated, I feel that I ought to make an apology to the House for creating any delay in the determination of a point, upon which I really think much difference of opinion cannot subfift; I mean upon the vote to be given on the question which is now before us.-But as this point, clear as in itself I take it to be, is connected with others on which depends the best interest of the whole of the British Empire, I must afk the indulgence of the Houfe, while I advert to the general principle of the fubject which is now before us, far far from being my intention to do now, what indeed could not now be regular attempted, and what hereafter it will be my duty to do; I mean to lay before this Houfe a detailed particular of a plan, the fpirit of which is only alluded to in general terms in the gracious communication from the Throne to this Houfe; that is what I fhall have the honour of doing hereafter the matter for the difcuffion of the Houfe at this moment, is comprised in the original motion of my Right Honourable Friend, and the amendment propofed by the Right Honourable Gentleman. The address propofed in anfwer to the meffage, pledges the House to nothing more than that of affuring his Majefty, that you will take into your ferious confideration a fubject which is recommended to your care, and which is highly interefting to the welfare of the British Empire. The amendment of the Honourable Gentleman calls upon you at once to declare, you will not deliberate upon the matter. The Hon. Gentleman produced one argument only in fupport of the conclufion he called upon you to draw, and which he says he has established. He faid, near the end of his fpeech, that, which if it were true, would indeed establish his conclufion. The Hon. Gentleman had told the House, that the Irish Parliament poffeffed no power of carrying into effect the refult of their deliberations, fuppofing the refult fhould be a determination in favour of an Union. The Hon. Gentleman told them, that the power of Parliament was limited, and that it would be going beyond thefe limits, which, if done, might be attended with danger of the greateft magnitude, not only to Ireland, but to the whole British Empire. He has told you, without much argument, what no other perfon has hitherto told you in this Houfe, but what has been told it, and the public, upon whom by the way it is intended in the firft inftance to operate, in pamphlets and various other publications which are daily ufhered forth in this country and in Ireland, that you have no legipower to determine upon this meafure. The Hon. Gentleman adopts that doctrine. He has taken upon himfelf to deny the right of the Parliament of either kingdom to determine upon this matter. I fay the right of the Parliament of either, for he cannot make any diftinction between the two. If the principle was true on the one fide, it must be alfo true on the other; both countries ftood precifely in the fame fituation with refpect to each other, and the rights and privileges of their respective Parliaments were exactly the fame. If the Parliament of Ireland has no juft timate power |