few, whofe councils, happily for both countries, and for the civilifed part of the world, have loft all their influ ence. But will any man tell me that fuch difference as was manifefted in the time of the Regency will never occur again? Will any man tell me that when we come to treat of peace, for inftance, or to confider any fubject of alliance with any foreign power, or upon any question of trade or commerce, that then the local prejudices, I fay prejudices, for they have great influence, may not occafion a difference between the legiflatures upon points that may be effential to the welfare of the British Empire? No matter what the cause of the difference may be, it is enough that there may be such a difference. A party in England may give to the throne one fpecies of advice by its Parliament; a party in Ireland may advife directly oppofite, upon the moft effential points that involve the fafety of both-upon alliance with a foreign power; upon any branch of the public fervice; upon trade; upon commerce; or, upon any point that was effential to the Empire at large. Let any man tell me, what would have been the confequence to both England and Ireland, had the diffentions in Ireland been the fame in point of force against the executive government in Parliament, fince the commencement of the prefent war, as they were at the time the Irish propofitions were rejected? If in the prefent conteft, the Oppofition were to have as much influence in Ireland as they formerly poffeffed, a vote for peace might be paffed, and the efforts of Great Britain paralized. Will the Hon. Gentleman tell me, that the Parliament of Ireland might not in fuch a cafe neutralize its ports, prevent the raifing of recruits for the army and navy, and ftrike a fatal blow at the power, and endanger the existence of the empire. Let any man maturely reflect on the dangers that may poflibly refult from the prefent fituation of both countries, and he will tremble at the perils to which they are expofed. Even with regard to the conteft in which we are now ftruggling for the dearest and most valuable confiderations, is there not ground for juft alarm? It is true, that the influence of the Oppofition party in Ireland, has been lefs predominant than ever. The influence of the great Patriot is extinct in Ireland, nearly in the fame way that the reputation of the other great pstriots here in England has expired. But if we wish to render the connection perpetual, and to make the ties indiffoluble, fhall we do our duty to either country if we neglect to bring forward this propofition? propofition? I have, Sir, been arguing to provide for the profperity and fafety of Ireland, and to remedy the miferable imperfections of the arrangement made in 1782. But how does it stand at prefent? The fituation of the country is indeed deplorable. Rent by party distraction, torn by the divifions of fects, fubject to the revival of inflamed hoftility, a prey to the hereditary animofity of the old Irish and the English fettlers, the fcene of conftant prejudices proceeding from fuperftition and ignorance. Add, Sir, to this true colouring, the infufion of the laft deadly poifon, jacobinifm, and they will altogether produce a picture of the most horrible kind. There we may clearly diftinguish a miferable state of ceaseless contention, of perpetual distraction, of the most rooted animofity, which, however great the exertions of the legislature of Ireland may be, and I heartily give them all the praife which they have received from the tardy panegyric of the Hon. Gentleman, they can never fucceed in removing. These confiderations, without entering into any minute details, which, as I have before obferved, are in this stage of the business unneceffary, are, I truft, fufficient to induce the Houfe to agree to the inves tigation of means that may be deemed adequate to establish the internal tranquillity of that country, add to the store of our common refources, and confolidate and strengthen the general interefts of the empire. If any inftitution be inadequate to provide an effectual remedy for thefe evils, it is, Sir, I do not hesitate to fay, the Irish legislature; not from any defect of intention, not from any want of talent, but from its own nature; and it is and must be incapable of reftoring the internal happiness of the country, and fixing the profperity of the people on a firm and permanent bafis, as long as the prefent ftate of that kingdom, with refpect to its relation to Great Britain, continues. That legislature, formed as it is, muft continue ever radically defective. I am aware that I have spoken at a greater length on this fubject than might have been expected in its prefent ftage. I have thought a great deal upon this fubject, and what I have faid has been nothing but the refult of my own obfervations. I am bound to convey to this Houfe every information which may be in my power to give; but however acceptable to the one or to the other fide of the Househowever acceptable or otherwife to thofe whom I refpect on the other fide the water, my fentiments upon this fubje& may be, my duty compels me to speak them freely. I fee the cafe fo plainly, and I feel it fo ftrongly, that there is no No. 18. 4 U circumstance circumstance of apparent or probable difficulty, no apprehenfion of popularity, no fear of toil or labour, that shall prevent me from ufing every exertion which remains in my power to accomplish the work that is now before us, and on which I am perfuaded depends the internal tranquillity of Ireland, the intereft of the British Empire at large, and I hope I may add, the happiness of a great part of the habitable world. Mr. Sheridan faid, that he must fill claim the right of saying a few words in explanation, in confequence of what had fallen from the Right Honourable Gentleman. If this was denied to him he must make a fpecific motion for that purpose. The Right Honourable Gentleman had alluded to his affertion, that it was a queftion whether the Parliament of Ireland had the power to furrender the independence of their legiflature, and the Right Honourable Gentleman had faid, that he had ftarted an opinion which he did not entertain, and that he could not mean to carry the afsertion the length to which the principle would lead. This was a most extraordinary mode of interpreting the language of any member. What ground had the Right Honourable Gentleman for the prefumption that he would make use of an argument in that Houfe which he did not believe? He thought the Right Honourable Gentleman might have known him better than to fuppofe that he would make use of any argument which was not the conviction of his mind; or that he would leave any thing unfaid from any apprehenfion of confequences which he felt it to be his duty to advance. He had faid, and he repeated it, that after the refolution of the Irish Parliament, which was recognized by that House, that they could not furrender the right of legiflating for themfelves, he knew not how they could now affume the power. In regard to the argument which he had ufed of the final adjuftment which had taken place in 1782, which laid the ground for perpetuating the connection between the two nations on a folid bafis, the Right Honourable Gentleman had spoken both of that measure and of the great and illuftrious Statefman, his friend, in terms of infult, not very creditable to himself, in the absence of his Honourable Friend. When he had fpoken of that measure in his prefence he had always received a full and direct anfwer, and if his Honourable Friend were then prefent he would have received the answer which his obfervation deferved. The Right Honourable Gentleman had chosen to fay that the great author of that measure was politically ex tinct. That he had no power was certain, but if he meant to fay that his influence in the country was extinct, the Right Honourable Gentleman was mistaken. At no time, he would venture to say, were the grand and eminent qualities of his mind more felt and acknowledged, more admired and loved than now. His influence in the country was undiminished, and he was as much as ever the object of the affection, confidence, and veneration of every genuine friend. of the liberties of man. When the Right Hon. Gentleman faid that that great Statesman in the measure by which Ireland was conciliated in 1782, could have kept any referve in his mind; that he had any crooked policy, any base, mean, and narrow ftratagem in defign which he covered with the exterior of the measure which he brought forward, he could only fay that the Right Hon. Gentleman did not know the character of his Hon. Friend. Such conduct might become the crooked policy of fome men, but it was totally inconfiftent with the candour and rectitude which marked all the actions of the great character to whom this allufion had been made. The Chancellor of the Exchequer observed, that the Hon. Gentleman had faid he ought to have known him too well to imagine that he entertained any opinion he dared not to state to the House. He believed the Hon. Gentleman had alfo had opportunities of knowing him, and he did not fuppofe it would be thought that he would retract any opinion he had intended to convey. He had stated, that if it was argued that the Parliament of Ireland had no right to decide upon the question of an Union, the fame incompetence applied to the Parliament of England. This was a confequence which the Hon. Gentleman did not attempt to deny. In refpect to the refolution of the Houfe in the year 1782, and the great Statesman who brought it forward, of whom the Hon. Gentleman had spoken in a manner rather extraordinary, but which, as proceeding from the warmth of friendship, carried with it its excufe. With regard to the refolution, it had been faid it was impoffible that great Statefman could bring forward a propofition different from what he really wifhed to be carried into effect. Upon this he fhould only obferve, that he had had frequent opportu nities of difcuffing that point in the prefence of the Hon. Gentleman alluded to, and on all thefe occafions he was fully as ill fatisfied with the answer he had obtained from him, as he was with that which he had now received. He had never prefumed to fay what he meant by the fimple re4 U 2 peal peal he had only presumed to think he had meant fomething, and that whatever he did mean, he had done nothing fince whatever. He certainly could not fuppofe that Hon. Gentleman intended to take away the independence of Ireland, but from the words of the refolution, he had a right to presume that it was not meant to leave the connexion between the two countries exactly as it was, and that confequently the meafures then adopted could not be confidered as an arrangement which was never to be altered. It was impoffible for him to know what was intended; .but though there might be no defign of changing the form, or abridging the independence of the Legislature of Ireland, it was evident there was fome ulterior measure in contemplation, and therefore, the argument so much urged, of a final adjustment having been made muft fall to the ground.Having brought the queftion to this point, he fhould leave it there, and would not detain the House any farther. Mr. Martyn concluded the debate by faying, that if he had any hopes that a little delay would have the good effect of restoring Ireland to a more tranquil difpofition, he would be for the delay propofed by the Hon. Gentleman, but as he had no fuch hopes, he wished to hear the whole of the propofition laid open, and folemnly difcuffed. The queftion of the Amendment was then put, and negatived without a divifion. The motion for the Addrefs was then put and carried. It was then defired by Mr. Dundas, that the order purfued in 1794 for the mode of balloting for a Secret Committee fhould be read-It was read accordingly. Mr. Secretary Dundas then moved, that the House do to-morrow proceed to ballot for a Secret Committee, to whom the papers presented this day fhall be referred, &c. &c. And the motion being put, it was carried accordingly. Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS. A Petition was prefented from the Directors of the EaftIndia Company, refpecting the Wet Docks Bill. Ordered to lie on the table. Lord Stopford informed the House that their Address had been prefented to his Majefty, and was moft graciously re-. ceived. IRELAND. Mr. Dundas moved the Order of the Day, "to ballot fo a Secret Committee, to examine into certain letters an pape |