with Great Britain, and to give in ftead the new Government of the French Republic. When that danger threatened Ireland, the purfe of Great Britain was open for the wants of Ireland, as for the neceflities of England. I do not, Sir, state these circumftances as upbraiding Ireland for the benefits we have conferred; far from it; but for the purpose of fhewing the friendship and good-will with which this country has acted towards her. But if ftruggles of this fort may and muft return again, if the worst dangers are those which are yet to come, dangers which may be greater from being more difguifed-if thofe fituations may arise when the fame means of relief are not in our power, what is the remedy that reafon and policy points out? it is to identify them with us-it is to make them part of the fame community, by giving them a full fhare of thofe accumulated bleffings which are diffufed throughout Great Britain; it is, in a word, by giving them a full participation of the wealth, the power, and the glory of the British empire. If then this measure comes recommended not only by the obvious defects of the fyftem which now exifts, but that it has also the pre-eminent recommendation of increafing the general power of the empire, and of guarding against future danger, we are next to confider it as to its effects upon Ireland particularly. I know perfectly well as long as Ireland is feparated from Great Britain, that any attempt on our part to provide measures which we might think falutary, as respecting questions of contending fects or parties, that any attempt on our part to arrogate the right of judging of the claims of contending fects, what the proteftants may think proper to grant, or what the catholics may think juft to demand, is improper. I difclaim all right to any interference with refpect to the internal regulations and arrangements of an independent country. I know that all thefe, though they may have been brought forward by the advocates of the final adjustment in 1782, were attacks upon the independence of the Irish Parliament, and attempts to make us ufurp that as a right, which we can only have as a compact. Until the kingdoms are united, any attempt to make regulations for the internal state of Ireland muft certainly be violations of her independence. Feeling as I do, for their interefts and their welfare, I cannot be inattentive to the events that are paffing before me; I must therefore repeat, that whoever looks at the circumstances to which I have alluded whoever confiders that the enemy have fhewn by their conduct that they confidered Ireland as the weakest

and

and most vulnerable part of the Empire, whoever reflects upon those dreadful and inexcufable cruelties inftigated by the enemies of both countries, and upon thofe lamentable feverities which the ftate of Ireland called for, muft feel that as it now stands compofed, in the hoftile divifion of its fects, in the animofities exifting between ancient fettlers. and original inhabitants, in the unfortunate degree of want of civilization, which marks that country more than almoft any other country in Europe, in the unfortunate prevalence of Jacobin principles, arifing from thefe caufes, and augmenting their malignity, and which have produced that dif treffed ftate which we now deplore; every body, I fay, who reflects upon all these circumftances, muft agree with me in thinking, that there is no cure but in the formation of a General Imperial Legislature, removed from the danger, and uninflamed by the prejudices and paffions of that diftracted country. I know that it is impoflible, if we wish to confider this fubject properly, to confider it in any other point of view than as it affects the Empire in general. I know that the interefts of the two countries must be taken together, and that a man cannot speak as a true Englishman, unless he speaks as a true Irishman, nor that he cannot fpeak as a true Irishman, unless he speaks as a true Englishman: But if it was poffible to feparate them, and that I was not addreffing you as interested for the Empire at large, but for Ireland alone, I fhould fay, that it would be neceffary for that country to guard against thofe diftractions which now harrafs that unhappy country, by the adoption of another fyftem.-I do not believe the Honourable Gentleman is likely to enter into a vindication of a fituation of fuch complicated horror and diftrefs. I know no remedy for these evils but an Imperial Legiflation to allay diftraction, to heal the wounds of inteftine faction, to restore general peace and domeftic comfort. I must take the liberty of alluding to fome topics which were touched upon during difcuffion on the former night. It is known that fome of the defects of that country are its want of capital and of industry; how are thofe wants to be remedied but by mixing with that country which can fupply them with both? How are thofe evils fo likely to be corrected as by an entire intercourfe with Great Britain? But in the great leading diftinctions between the people of Ireland, I mean the claims of the catholics and proteftants. What is now their fituation? It is a fituation in which the proteftants think that any extension to the catholics would threaten the afcendancy

of

of the proteftants; while on the other fide, by the catholics, the idea of an established church, feparate from the catholics, is felt as a grievance. Where there is so much apprehenfion on the one part, and fuch difquietude on the other, it is difficult to say whether refiftance to the claims would be confiftent with quiet, or whether conceffion would be confiftent with the conftitution. This is the fituation of Ireland at prefent, as it refpects her religious distinctions.

I am well aware that the subject of religious distinction is a dangerous topic; but looking at it in that light, I have no hesitation to fay, that Ireland is a country the fituation of which is different in this refpect from that of every other. Where the established religion of a state is the fame as that of another with which it is neceffarily connected, though the religion of the majority of the common people is different from that established religion, and where the property. of the country is in the hands of a comparatively small number of perfons profeffing that established religion, it is not eafy to fay what should be the nature of the church establishment in fuch a country. By many I know it will be contended, that a majority of the people, in point of religion, should at least entitle them to an equality of privileges. I have heard fuch an argument urged in this House, but those who apply it to the cafe of Ireland forget furely the principles of the Union and the separate legislative capacity of that country. No man can, however, entertain a doubt, that the question refpecting the religious regulations which it is neceffary to adopt in Ireland, is a question on which a much more fatisfactory determination can be. obtained, that whatever different men may think on the fubject, no one can believe that the full conceffions which are neceffary to fatisfy the catholics of Ireland can, while it remains a feparate Kingdom, be made in fuch a manner as not to alarm and endanger the state. How foon or how late it may be proper to difcufs the nature and propriety of these conceffions muft depend upon two circumftancesFirst, when the conduct of the catholics fhall be fuch as to make it fafe for the Government to admit them to the participation of the privileges granted to thofe of the established religion, and when the temper of the times fhall be favourable to fuch a measure. When thefe events take place, it is obvious that fuch a queftion may be agitated in the United Parliaments with much greater fafety, which might endanger the fecurity and shake the Government of Ireland in its feparate state. In the fecond place, I think it certain that

that as long as it fhall be thought neceffary to withhold from the catholics the enjoyment of thofe advantages, fome of the difficulties which now opprefs the queftion would, if the legislature were no longer feparate, but general and imperial, be removed, and the catholics would find a mitigation of fome of the moft goading and oppreffive of their prefent caufes of complaint. What other meafures might be adopted for the benefit of this clafs of the people, how much might be done by an alteration in the fyftem of tithes, or by making provifion for their clergy, on grounds correfponding with those of the established church, I do not think right, under the prefent circumstances of the cafe, now particularly to point out or allude to. That with a view to remedy the diftreffes of that country, to shield it against the danger that threatens it from without, and to provide for its internal fafety and tranquillity, much might not be done by other means than thofe propofed, I do not affert; all I could infinuate is, that to carry all thefe purposes completely and fully into effect is beyond the reach of the local legislature in Ireland. I do not therefore hefitate to fay, on this part of the subject, that with a view to remedy the distractions that had appeared in Ireland, with a view to that which has endangered and ftill threatens its fecurity, the measure I have the honour of propofing to you promifes much more fecurity to that country and to this, and confequently to the whole of the British Empire, than any other, or in any other fhape it can be put; and I confefs that, delicate as the fubject is, I feel it my duty to fubmit it to the Houfe, and what I have faid of the fubject has arifen from the fenfe I entertain of my duty. I have fpoken hitherto in general upon the nature of the fubject, but there are other objects which, although of lefs importance than those general points, ought to form the basis of all legislation, are yet in themfelves of great importance, and therefore material to be confidered in a secondary view. I have heard it afked when I have prefied the measure, what are the advantages which Ireland is to derive from it? To this queftion I prefume that the confiderations which I have urged afford a fufficient anfwer. It is a question fomething like that which I have repeatedly heard advanced during the continuance of the prefent war by fome of the Gentlemen oppofite to me; what were the advantages which Great Britain had gained by the prefent war with France? I might fay we have had brilliant fucceffes-our triumphs have been great-our glories have been unparal

leled

leled our territories have been increafed-our trade has been promoted-our power has been enlarged; but instead of dwelling upon fuch topics, by way of anfwer to fuch a question, I would fay in a few words, "that what we have gained by this war is the prefervation of all that we should have loft without it." I would fay, in answer to the other queflion, What will Ireland gain by the Union? It is enough for Ireland that the will thereby have more than fhe enjoys at prefent of the British Conftitution-that she will have more of the bleifings of that Conftitution in proportion as fhe becomes clofely connected with that country-that fhe will be protected in the hour of danger, and that the may reft in fafety on that account. I fhould fay it had gained enough if it gained fecurity for refuge from its calamity, when at any time threatened to be overwhelmed by it. These are great political and ftate confiderations, and ought to be regarded as fuperior to all confideration of pecuniary advantages. There are in politics questions which are fuperior in their nature to any advantage that can appear from accounts, and fuch as cannot be comprised under them. Such do I deem that which has a tendency to the amelioration of the condition of a whole fociety, by improving the fyftem on which it is to be carried on-by improving the progrefs of civilization-by enabling the Irish to converfe more freely, to copy English manners, and to acquire English habits of induftry, by placing them in the way to increase the national wealth-by leading them on that path which will in time conduct them to a fuperior condition of life-by finally producing that ceflation of diforders and confufions which have fo often distracted that country, and which at prefent it has no power within itself -to refift.

Here I fhould have been contented to ftop upon this part of the fubject; but fince there are thofe who will still afk what Ireland will gain by this measure in point of commerce? I am defirous of taking this opportunity of answering them; in addition to what I have already advanced in its favour-a folid and unalterable compact between the two countries, and, above all, the great advantage Ireland will derive by having made permanent thofe advantages fhe now enjoys, only upon a difcretion which may be contingent and precarious. I beg leave to allude to a great and respectable authority, which has been alluded to more than once upon this fubject; and as I know that that answer will carry more conviction to the minds of those who make the enquiry,