which is given in the words of a Gentleman to whose opinions I have often in the courfe of the night had occafion to refer, I fhall quote him as my authority-I find him, Sir, ftating that Ireland would gain the continuation of those commercial advantages which fhe now enjoyed, but which the neceffarily enjoyed only as contingent and precarious.-I refer again to his fpeech for the enumeration of these advantages. I find this Gentleman in 1785 ftating, that the total amount of the Exportation of British produce to Ireland was one million, while the Exportation from Ireland to Great Britain amounted to more than two millions and a

half. I find him accompanying the statement of the propofition with this obfervation;-" If the propofed Adjustment was likely to take away thefe benefits, I fhould confider it as a good caufe for the rejection of it; but as it tends to confirm thofe commercial advantages, furely Gentlemen who regard the trade of Ireland, and whofe fortunes and rents depend on the stability of her commerce, cannot hesitate in affenting to them."-Such, Sir, were the fentiments, at that period, of this Hon. Gentleman, who has fince reprefented a final adjustment of a more liberal and extenfively beneficial nature than that which he then fo vehemently preffed upon his countrymen, as tending to abolish for ever all the advantages which they now poffefs. So far, indeed, was he then from entertaining any of thofe apprehenfions which have induced him to reject the prefent propofitions, that we find him telling his co-legillators, that the fecure enjoyment of their own fortunes depended on their embracing the opportunity which was then offered to them, of participating in the commerce and profperity of Great Britain upon a firm and permanent bafis. With reference to his late opinions, I do not think I can more forcibly reply to a perfon who figns his name to propofitions which declare the ruin of the trade of Ireland likely to be the confequence of a union, than by oppofing to him his own opinions. I fhall be able to ftrengthen the former opinion of that Gentleman, by stating, that the progrefs which has been made in commercial advantages by Ireland is fuch as to render it ftill more applicable. What is the nature of that commerce fet forth by the fame perfon, in fo concife and forcible a manner, that I am happy to ufe his own statement? He does not confine himself to the grofs amount, but gives the articles in detail, and references to the documents which fupport his ftatement. "Great Britain," he fays, "imports two millious and an half of Irish produce, all of which No. 19.

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fhe takes duty-free; We, on the other hand, in Ireland, import a million, and raife from it a revenue by way of duty. She exports falt, by which we are enabled to prepare our provifions for the navy, hops, which we have not, coals, tin and bark; and these articles conftitute more than › half of what is fent to us." Such, Sir, was the opinion which that Gentleman entertained of the confirmation of exifting benefits at that time. In the prefent time the trade is ftill more advantageous. As far as relates to the mere interchange of manufactures, it will be found on the cleareft evidence, that the exports of England to Ireland do not amount to a million annually; while the exports of Ireland to England, duty free, which animate her whole manufacture, which are the fource of all her profperity, which at once enrich her merchants, and encrease the value of her land, amount to between four and five millions, and that too in linen and provifions, the great articles of her manufacture. In addition to thefe articles, there are other circumftances of advantage. All the articles which are effential to the trade, to the fubfiftence, or, as raw materials, to the progrefs of Irish manufacture, are fent free from duty. Other very confiderable advantages are given. For the chief article of their manufacture, and what indeed conftitutes four-fifths of their export trade to all parts of the world, Ireland is indebted, not to that independant Legislature on which her profperity is faid to depend, but to this Parliament. It is by the bounty granted by this Parliament that the Linen Trade of Ireland has been brought to the height at which it now is. It is by this Parliament that a market has been given for its linen to the amount of three millions. By the bounty which we give to Ireland we afford her a double market for this article, and thus enfure to her an advantage in competition with other countries in linens, of thirty per cent. It may be thought perhaps that by fo doing we injure ourselves, but we wifely determined to facrifice advantages which, by conducing to the profperity of Ireland, were ultimately beneficial to the whole.By this practice we indeed appear either to forego the advantage of the duty arifing from the importation of other linen, conftituting a revenue of 700,000l. or by admitting their linens only, to facrifice in the price of the article collected from the people, a million fterling. Yet this is one of thofe advantages, Sir, of which the complete confirmation is by one fet of men looked upon as pregnant with the most deftructive confequences. On this head I fhall perhaps have

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occafion at a future time to enter more into detail, but I now state it to fhew that the advantages which are infifted on in the speech of the person to whom I have alluded, are benefits to a ftill greater extent than he has afferted them to be. Such was, however, the prefent opinion of that perfon, but though he thought at that time that the continuation of these advantages was then indifpenfible, yet he now affected to confider them as ruinous to Ireland. The prefent measure is, however, in its effect, calculated not merely for a confirmation of the advantages on which the person to whom I have alluded has infifted. A fairer and more perfect connexion of the two countries, from whatever neceflity or cause it may arife, muft lead to an equality of commercial advantages, and ultimately tend to the advantage of both. In the debates on the Adjustment of 1782, I obferve, that the benefits derived to Ireland from the leffer duties impofed on Irish produce were under rated; the perfon to whom I have had occafion to refer thus anfwers their arguments"Gentlemen," he fays, " may under value the diminution of the duties, but I muft obferve, that Ireland, with the fame natural advantages as England, will be able to pursue her manufactures and to compete with her in the market." I am therefore at least secure from the danger of being confidered as entertaining chimerical opinions when I ftate, that in addition to the other advantages which that country is likely to derive from a union, such a measure muft, with a view to mere commercial advantages, conduce to her prosperity in a very confiderable degree. While I ftate thus ftrongly the advantages which the fifter kingdom is likely to derive from the measure, I have no fear of exciting the jealoufy of this country on the fubject. If it is in our power, by the adoption of this measure, which promises to give her this increase of profperity, to fecure to ourselves the poffeffion of Ireland-if Ireland is to be part of the ftrength of Great Britain, and not an acquifition for our enemies-if the power of Ireland is to be the power of England, I shall never be deterred by the fear of creating uneasiness or jealousy in the breafts of Englishmen, from ftating the advantages which Ireland may derive from the connexion, nor from giving every affiftance to the commercial profperity of that country.

I am convinced that they feel every difpofition to admit their brethren of Ireland to a fhare in all the proud diftinctions which they enjoy above every other nation, and that they would have no reluctance to communicate a portion of

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their wealth, if they could be fure that what they poured into the lap of Ireland would redound to the general happinefs and frength of the British Empire, instead of being transferred into the fcale of their enemy. It is from my perfect conviction that fuch is the temper of all the enlightened portion of my countrymen-from a full belief that if those jealoufies which have fo long, and fo unhappily, fubfifted between the two countries were finally extinguished, that a participation of every blefling which they poffefs themselves, would be cheerfully granted to the fifter kingdom-that I for one will never be deterred from making every experiment fhort of the laft extremity, to effect a meafure fo effential to the interests of both. That fatal extremity, Sir, I hope never will arrive; nothing that temper and conciliation can effect will be wanting on the part of this country to prevent it; and if ever it fhould arrive, it will be entirely owing to the blind counfels of thofe who may unfortunately have the management of the affairs of the fifter kingdom. Of the conciliatory difpofition of the British Parliament, every act that it has paffed with refpect to Ireland for a feries of years, affords multiplied proof; and the people of Ireland must be fenfible, Sir, that whatever advantages they at this moment poffefs, are all originally derived from the British Legislature, and not from the independent Legiflature of their own country. I have ftated the foregoing as the general outlines of the motives which fhould, I conceive, influence the Parliament of the fifter kingdom, and recommend to it the meafure. I am well aware of the objections which are urged against it, fome of which are certainly plaufible. The first of these is what I have heard alluded to in this Houfe when a question whether the Legiflature of Ireland was competent to the dif cuffion of fuch a fubject.-I am induced to fuppofe that the Hon. Gentleman made this objection rather as deprecating the difcuflion of the measure than as entertaining doubts himself as to the competency of the Irifh Parliament. No man can deny the competency of the prefent Parliament of Ireland, reprefenting, as it does, the people of that country, to make laws to bind that people, unlefs he is difpofed to diftinguish that Parliament from that of Great Britain; and while he maintains the independence of the Irish Legiflature, yet denies their prerogatives, will he deny the foundation of that power, or will he, by attempting to invalidate the authority, call in question every principle of Government, and deny the force of every law which has been made by it?

I fay, that unless he is prepared to deny the power of the Parliament of Great Britain to enter into a fimilar engagement, or indeed into any engagement; not only he must deny the validity of the union between Great Britain and Scotland, but he must also deny the authority under which we now fit; he must deny the authority of every law that has been enacted for the common fecurity of both; he must deny the authority of every measure adopted by Parliament; he muft alfo call in queftion every measure that has been done in Parliament which he has been the most forward to maintain. This point, Sir, is of fo much importance, that I think I ought not to fuffer the opportunity to pafs without explaining what it is I mean upon it. If this principle of the incompetency of Parliament to the decifion of the matter be allowed, or that Parliament had no legitimate authority to discuss and determine the matter, you will be driven to the acknowledgement of a principle the moft dangerous that ever was adopted in any State-I mean the principle that Parliament cannot adopt any measure of great importance without recurring to its conftituent and delegated authority for directions-that is to fay, that you can never determine on any great or important meafure, without appealing to the people at large for their directions; that confequently, you acted without any legitimate authority when you regulated the reprefentation of the Frincipality of Wales, or either of the counties Palatine of England; that every law you have ever made without making that appeal (for if true in any, it is true in every cafe) is of no legal authority. This would annihilate the whole of the body politic of this country, for it would declare void every public measure on which has depended the fafety of the British Empire for upwards of a century. It will not apply merely to every law which has a general public object in view, but it will deftroy all the diftinctions you have established upon the rights of various electors in this country. It will apply to the freeholder's qualification of forty fhillings a year, as well as to all the various qualifications of electors which you have established from time to time, and which have been acted upon throughout the whole of this country as well as of Ireland. In Ireland, indeed, the cafe will be ftill ftronger than it is in England against the legitimacy of power, for it may be faid that the Proteftants, who are comparatively only a few, have paffed laws difpofing of the property and determining upon the rights of Roman Catholics, who

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