compofe the great mafs of the people of Ireland. God forbid I should blame any of these measures; I am only stating the principle, that Parliament has no authority to determine upon this question, to fhew the extent to which it must neceffarily lead if you admit it at all. The effects of admitting that the fovereignty is not in the hands of those who compofe a Legiflature, but in the hands only of those who delegate it, may be dreadful. But here let me afk, whether any man who chooses to allow that the acts which the Parliament of this country have done to disfranchise some and to franchise others, are legal, will tell me that the principle which makes them legal, will not extend a power of uniting two kingdoms? I am fure that no diftinction in point of principle can be fuccefsfully contended for a fingle moment, nor fhould I find it neceffary to dwell upon this point in the manner I do, if I were not convinced that it is connected with the falfe arguments and the mifrepresentations and perverfions of all the principles on which all Governments are legitimately founded.

Such indeed is always the cafe when any one imagines that the fovereignty of a ftate refides any where but in the legiflature. Such is always the case when any one imagines that there is a fovereignty as it were in abeyance, that is, in the people themselves, and ready to be called forth upon any occafion, or rather, upon the fuppofition of any occafion. These are the principles that have done so much mischief, that have caufed fuch defolation over so many parts of the habitable globe. These principles are so well known by their practical effects as hardly to have an enlightened difinterested advocate when they are viewed in their own colours; and yet with all the horrors we have at the fight of the effects of these principles-with all the love we have for the conftitution of this country, in which there is to be found no trace of fuch principles, we find men of enlightened minds who abhor fuch principles when they fee them clearly, ftill tinctured in their opinion; and this is truly the very mistake that has produced fuch mighty evils to mankind within thefe few years-and give me leave to say, that this tincture of Jacobinifm, in the opinion of fome leading men, that is to fay, that the fovereignty is in the people upon certain important occafions, has done all the mifchief we have witneffed, and this danger is the greater when it is plaufibly urged, and accompanied by other arguments that are not difputed. When this principle is thus difguifed,

difguifed, it is truely dangerous, because the poifon, although deadly, is invisible to the mafs of mankind, who are able to refift the attack when it is open. No fociety can exift long where this principle is cherished: fupreme authority must lodge in fome delegated manner or other. The question, whether the people fhall refume that power or not, because it is alledged by fome, and poffibly believed by others, to have been abused by thofe who poffefs it, is, and always will be, a question of extreme refponsibility upon those who bring it into agitation. It is alfo applicable to those who act upon it, as well as to those who cause it; but in no chapter of human jurisprudence are we to find any provifion for fuch a cafe, it can confift with the safety of no conftitution upon earth, and whenever agitated, is dangerous to any. It can make no part of a monarchy, because the firft and leading feature of that form of government is confidence in the executive power; as little can it confift with an aristocracy, for that alfo implies that fome perfons are selected from others to manage public affairs. It could make no part of any government, except that imaginary one, which never yet exifted, and which, I believe, never will exift-a pure democracy. If this principle is of fo difuniting a quality as not to be fit for admiffion in any government, however defective that Government may be, how much ought it to be fhunned in that government which from its being a compound of all good governments, has every thing that is excellent in all, without the defects of either? Shall that principle be cherished as the best, which is admitted to be too bad for the worst of governments? Shall that principle be received in proportion as the very reafon which ever made it neceffary in any ftate at any time is unlikely to exift? Shall we say that the lefs occafion we have for fo defperate a remedy, the more eager we ought to be to embrace it? Such queftions must be all answered in the affirmative before that period can be adopted in the best government in this world. I feel that these points are of great importance, because they belong, more or lefs, to every government upon earth, and involve the happiness of all its inhabitants, and therefore I have faid more upon them than otherwife I fhould. I fay therefore that those who talk of the fovereignty of the people are the enemies of their race, and that it is chiefly owing to their doctrine, which the mafs of mankind have not the means of duly examining, and therefore cannot thoroughly understand, that all the evils which have fo much overrun the world of

late,

late, have had their effect. I therefore hope the parliament of Ireland will in due feafon feel the force of this point, and feel the importance of the confequences to which it leads. I am fure the Parliament of England feels it already.

The next head of objection refers to that which is not lefs prevalent than that which I have been explaining, and which is a thing depending chiefly upon a word, but which produces a very natural, and would be a very laudable feeling, provided the fubject called for it, but I will here take the liberty to call a mistaken notion:-I mean that which is generally understood under the head of national pride. That is a feeling which I know is eafily awakened in the moft generous minds, and therefore as foon called forth in Ireland as any where elfe. This meafure has been treated as if Ireland were called upon to furrender its national independence. I admit that nothing to a proud nation can be a compenfation for fuch a furrender; but before we conclude that this meafure calls upon Ireland to do fo, we may as well examine the affertion. If they mean to fay that it is to be understood as a maxim that any nation furrenders its independence when it unites to another-or in other words, that when any two focieties unite, and the one of them happens to be larger than the other, the leffer of the two muft forfeit its independence by the Union; if they mean to fay that when two focieties unite, and the one of them happens to enjoy more advantages than the other, the one that has the fewer advantages uniting with the other, and being allowed to participate advantages it never before enjoyed, must therefore be allowed to furrender its independence; if to be allowed to enjoy bleflings it never felt before be to furrender independence, I have nothing to fay. But if you examine the hiftory of all the nations of Europe, even the most proud of its independence, you will find there is not one of them that has not given this fort of teft of a furrender of independence-There is not one of them that can be faid to be independent. Our forefathers knew not how to fupport the dignity of their country, if this is the true mode of judging. But I fay on the contrary, that they acted wifely, for they frequently by union put an end to the warfare of petty ftates. Will any man tell me, that the different diftricts that have, from time to time, been incorporated into our Empire, refigned their independence by that incorporation? Will any man tell me that after these incorporations the inhabitants incorporated had lefs room.

for

for their exertions than before? If this doctrine be true, what has become of the rights of the different counties of England, for many of their distinctions have from time to time been done away for the general advantage of the whole kingdom? Indeed if you indulge this fort of chimera, you will work the utter deftruction of all independence in a nation in the prefent ftate of fociety all over the earth; and then, to enjoy your independence, you must go back again into a state of nature-I fay, therefore, that the arguments that have been urged against the measure upon this topic are vague and delufive; and that they refer to nothing that is real in human life. But what need have we to indulge any vague theory upon the subject, when we have obvious principles to guide us? If a country contains fufficient means of credit to fupport its trade and commerce with other powers, and has the protection of that trade within itself-if within itself it has all due means of military and naval force to fecure its rights and preferve its honours-if it has the means to secure the due industry of its inhabitants-if, in addition to all this, it poffeffes a free conftitution, and equal to any other upon earth, or, what is pretty nearly the fame thing, has acquired the habit of thinking fo; then, indeed, I should think that such a country forfeited its independence, or at least diminished it unwifely, by uniting with any other nation; and that it need not join any one to make a larger empire, for it would be large enough for all the practical happiness in this world. But if, instead of this, there be a kingdom threatened with dangers from without and within; if it has not the means, but by the aid of another, of protecting itself in any of thefe advantages, and that other be a neighbouring nation, ufing the fame language; ruled by laws of the fame kind, but of fuperior correctness; used to customs of the fame kind, but fome of them of more force and practical advantage; poffeffing more trade and fuperior means of acquiring wealth; poffeffing alfo a constitution which is the admiration and envy of the rest of the world, and of which the constitution of the other is an inadequate resemblance, and that it is only the complaint that the resemblance is not perfect, I fay all these points united, I would ask if it be inconfiftent with the true principles or rational fenfe of dignity and honour for a ftate thus inferior to another to unite with that other? In other words, would it be unwife in fuch an inferior state to unite with the superior? I afk, whether Ireland be not in that fituation, and whether this be not the view whieh Ireland ought to have

No. 19.

of the question? I am mistaken if these be not fair and rational grounds and principles, fit for the decifion of thofe who council the affairs of ftates, and an answer to all true national pride, which has of late been fo much attempted to guide the minds of Irifhmen. With a view of the enjoyment of liberty, as far as is confiftent with good order; with the encouragement of induftry; with protection to property; with the progrefs of civilization; with the increase of trade and commerce; with fafety to the landowner; with eafe to the manufacturer; with comfort to the peafant; with that circulation of contentment and invigorating principle which runs through the whole frame of good focial life; for the increase of laudable ambition; for a difplay of thofe talents of which Irifhmen have as great a fhare as any nation on earth; with thefe views, and for thefe purposes, compare the prefent fituation of Ireland with that which may become its fituation, and then let any man tell me whether the real dignity of Ireland is likely to fuffer by an union with Great-Britain? If I do not mifunderftand the thing, Ireland will confult her honour, as well as her intereft by according to this measure. In fhort, it will be only giving to the people of Ireland more of that for which they have an attachment than they poffefs already, and giving them only what they feel they want. Will any man tell me it is making Ireland fubject to a foreign yoke, when it is only the voluntary affociation of two countries by the equality of laws, whose wishes are the fame, whose local circumftances are fo nearly allied, who ought to differ in nothing, who can differ in nothing without injuring their mutual interefts, who want nothing but Union to make them invulnerable.

Non ego nec Teneris Italos parere jubebo,

Nec mihi regna peto, paribus fe legibus ambæ
Invicta gentes aterna in fœdera mittant.

That is the true principle which I hope we fhall equally bear in mind, and which I hope will lay afide all mistaken notions of national pride, and induce us both to support that cause which hitherto too much labour has been employed to oppose and obstruct.

Another objection, I understand, has been made to a Legiflative Union between this Country and Ireland, that it would increase the number of Abfentees from Ireland, and tend to impoverish the Country, It had been introduced as an argument of fome weight, that, by the transfer of the Legislature from the metropolis of Ireland to this Country,

the