the refidence of a certain number of perfons of property being, in part, removed, would occafion a proportionate lofs to the Country of Ireland. But, admitting the fact, it ought at the fame time to be taken into the account, that this interchange would most likely tend to increase a predeliction for English habits, for the English Conftitution, and would tend to promote that connexion between the different orders which was fo much wanting as a bond of union between the higher and lower orders in the Sifter Kingdom. Befides which, Sir, I would afk, whether the addition to the aggregate stock of Wealth and Commerce which the adoption of this measure would occafion, would not more than counterbalance the finall inconvenience refulting from the removal of a few individuals to this Country? The metropolis of Ireland had felt alarmed on this account; but it ought to be confidered, that if the Courts of Law, Civil and Ecclefiaftical, were continued, the feat of learning in the university the fame as heretofore, and Dublin continued to be the centre of the commerce of the Country, which was improving in an increased state of national profperity, there was but little folid weight in fuch objection. Nor was it to be fuppofed that even the partial interefts of the Irish Bar would be materially affected, any more than the interefts of the merchant or fhopkeeper; or that these different claffes in fociety would not ultimately find their due proportions of advantage in that which would tend to the general fecurity and prof perity of the ftate. Allowing that the transfer of the feat of the Legiflature from Ireland to England fhould call over a certain number of Irish Legiflators to this Country, let it be at the fame time remembered, that every thing which ferved to infpire a noble and generous emulation in this Country, every participation of high and honourable offices, would be laid open to the view of men of talents from the Sifter Country. It had been affumed as a felf-evident argument, that owing to the fuperior wealth and profperity of this Country, the balance must preponderate to the prejudice of Ireland. But, Sir, on this point, I must request Gentlemen to confult experience, and, as the best answer to this objection, let them look at the fituation of Scotland. When the fubject of a Union with that Country was in agitation, the fame fears had been entertained in its Capital, and the fame outrages had taken place during the difcuffion of the Union between that Country and England, as were now difcovered in the metropolis of Ireland; and yet, what was the refult? From the period of the Union, the population of the kingdom had been more than doubled. But we might be 5 A 2

told

told that Edinburgh had engroffed all the Commerce of Scotland, and had acquired advantages which Dublin could not expect. Edinburgh had doubtlefs flourished fince the Union, and, independent of every other caufe, it continued to be the refort of many of thefe gentry whofe circumstances it did not fuit to vifit the more remote metropolis of the Empire. But look to the alteration which had taken place fince the Union in the Commercial Towns of Scotlandwhat was the fituation of Glasgow? Since the Union it had increased in the proportion of five or fix to one. If, then, we looked to experience, we fhould fee what little room there was to indulge thefe gloomy apprehenfions refpecting the future welfare and profperity of the City of Dublin, in which the inhabitants of that City indulged themfelves upon the prefent occafion.

There is one other objection which, I understand, has been ftarted, and of which I wish to take a little notice: it is this, that by a Union between the Legislature of the two Countries, Ireland would be reftricted of thofe commercial advantages which it had enjoyed for the last fifty years. I must fay, that thefe advantages, be they what they may, or however extenfive, are falfely attributed to the Irish Parliament, but, if traced up to their true fource, must be afcribed to the voluntary and difcretionary grants of the British Parliament; grants which the latter had been prompted to confer from a regard to the intereft of the Irish Nation as infeparably connected with the welfare of the British Empire; now, if we have done fo, when the Parliaments of the two Countries have been feparated, and under circumftances when it was at least doubtful whether what was in fact given to Ireland was alfo given to Great Britain, and when the former Country was but partially united to the latter, can there, I fay, be any well-founded apprehenfion, that when Ireland is Parliamentarily united with ourselves, fuch grants would be refumed? The advantages of the linen trade have been ftated in Ireland by a refpectable authority, as an argument against the Union; but, I muft obferve, that this trade has no fecurity but that which is derived from compact between the two Countries; whereas, on the ground of a Legislative Union, and confidering both Countries as compofing but one nation, united by mutual confent and a fimilarity of laws and government, the linen trade would have a fecurity for its continuance worth a thoufand compacts. I have heard, Sir, of another objection to this meafure, as if it were thereby intended to fubject Ireland to the debt of Great Britain, and

to

to draw on her a fhare of our national difficulties. But, Sir, I truft fufficient proof has already been given that this fubject originates in no pecuniary fource, or with any view of confidering Ireland as a fubject of taxation. Look at the condition of Scotland fince the Union of the two Countries, in which forty-five Members have been returned from that Country, whilst 513 remain for England. The proportion has been unquestionably fmall; but has Scotland been worfe treated on that account, or has fhe been more heavily taxed? And from thence I am warranted to afk, whether any future burden of taxation would be thrown on Ireland, beyond the due proportion of her ability to bear, and the general strength and refources of the Empire? The leading principle of English finance has been, to diffuse the burden of Taxes in as exact a proportion as circumftances would allow of, amongst all the members of which the British Empire is compofed; and upon this important occafion, I fhould certainly propofe fome fixed proportion to Britain, by which Ireland should be taxed for a limited time, in peace and in war, and that in a due proportion to its own limited expences; and then beyond that limited period, I would propofe that there fhould be regulations adopted, adapted to the most general Taxes, and the proof of wealth exifting in both Countries; and then I would propofe to affume fuch a Syftem of Taxation throughout the whole of the Empire, fo as that Ireland fhould never be taxed but in a fcale fimilar to that in which we taxed ourselves. Upon the whole, I think that fufficient reafons have been adduced why Parliament fhould adopt certain general principles, in fuch a way that Ireland may be left to judge of their fairnefs. After which I would propafe, that Parliament fhould wait for the time when fair deliberation and difcuffion may prevail, and the measure may be recommended to the minds of men in Ireland, as that which will prove moft conducive to the general intereft of each part of the Empire at large. A more detailed difcuffion of the meafure which I now propofe to bring forward will be referved for another day, I fhall content myfelf at prefent with reading the refolutions, which I fhould with the Houfe to adopt in a committee; and if, upon due confideration, thefe refolutions fhould be adopted by the Houfe, I fhould then wish, with that fpirit and conciliatory temper which actuates this Legiflature, to lay the refolutions before the Crown, ftating, at the fame time our anxious with that thefe refolutions be laid before the Parliament of Ireland, and our belief and wish that the more they are condered, the more

they

they will conduce to the general fecurity and profperity of the various parts of the British Empire. I fhould then wish the House to refolve itself into a Committee, and if these refolutions are agreed to in the Committee, I fhould then propofe that they be fubmitted in an humble Addrefs to his Majefty, affuring his Majefty that this Houfe has proceeded with the utmost attention to the confideration of the important fubjects recommended in his Majesty's most gracious Meffage.

Here Mr. Pitt read the refolutions as follow:

ift, That in order to promote and fecure the essential interefts of Great Britain and Ireland, and to consolidate the ftrength, power, and refources of the British Empire, it will be advifeable to concur in fuch measures as may best tend to unite the two Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland into one Kingdom, in fuch manner, and on fuch terms and conditions as may be established by Acts of the respective Parlia ments of his Majefty's faid Kingdoms.

2d, That it appears to this Committee that it would be fit to propofe as the first article to ferve as a bafis of the said Union, that the faid Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland fhall, upon a day to be agreed upon, be united into one Kingdom, by the name of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.

3d, That for the fame purpofe it appears alfo to this Committee, that it would be fit to propofe that the fucceffion to the Monarchy and the imperial crown of the faid United Kingdoms, fhall continue limited and fettled, in the fame manner as the imperial crown of the faid Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland now ftands limited and fettled, according to the exifting laws, and to the terms of the Union between England and Scotland.

4th, That for the fame purpofe it appears alfo to this Committee, that it would be fit to propofe that the faid United Kingdom be reprefented in one and the fame Parlia ment, to be filed the Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and fuch a number of Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and fuch a number of Members of the Houfe of Commons, as fhall be hereafter agreed upon by Acts of the refpective Parliaments as aforefaid, fhall fit and vote in the faid Parliament on the part of Ireland, and shall be fummoned, chofen and returned, in fuch manner as shall be fixed by an Act of the Parliament of Ireland previous to the faid Union; and that every Member hereafter to fit and vote in the faid Parliament of the United Kingdom fhall,

until the faid Parliament fhall otherwife provide, take and fubfcribe the fame oaths, and make the fame declaration as are by law required to be taken, fubfcribed and made by the Members of the Parliaments of Great Britain and Ireland.

5th, That for the fame purpote it appears alfo to this Committee, that it would be fit to propofe that the Churches of England and Ireland, and the doctrine, worship, difcipline, and Government thereof, fhall be preferved as now by law eftablished.

6th, That for the fame purpofe it appears alfo to this Committee, that it would be fit to propofe that his Majefty's fubjects in Ireland, shall at all times hereafter be entitled to the fame privileges, and be on the fame footing in respect of Trade and Navigation, in all Ports and Places belonging to Great Britain, and in all cafes with refpect to which treaties fhall be made by his Majefty, his heirs or fucceffors, with any foreign power, as his Majefty's fubjects in Great Britain; that no duty fhall be impofed on the Import or Export between Great Britain and Ireland of any articles now duty free; and that on other articles there fhall be established, for a time to be limited, fuch a moderate rate of equal duties as fhall, previous to the Union, be agreed upon and approved by the refpective Parliaments, fubject, after the expiration of fuch limited time, to be diminished equally with refpect to both Kingdoms, but in no cafe to be encreased; that all articles which may at any time hereafter be imported into Great Britain from foreign parts, fhall be importable through either Kingdom into the other, fubject to the like duties and regulations as if the fame were imported directly from foreign parts; that where any articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture of either Kingdom, are fubject to any internal duty in one Kingdom, fuch countervailing duties (over and above any duties on import to be fixed as aforefaid) fhall be impofed as fhall be neceffary to prevent any inequality in that refpect; and that all other matters of trade and commerce other than the foregoing, and than fuch others as may before the Union be fpecially agreed upon for the due encouragement of the agriculture and manufactures of the refpective Kingdoms, fhall remain to be regulated from time to time by the United Parliament.

7th, That for the like purpose it would be fit to propofe, that the charge arifing from the payment of the intereft or finking fund for the reduction of the principal of the debt incurred in either Kingdom before the Union, fhall continue to be feparately defrayed by Great Britain and Ireland re- fpectively.