difficult to connect the caufe immediately with the effect, but it was to be remembered that before the Union the trade of Scotland was very much confined, and it had no access to the great fources of the commerce of England. If for fo many years previous to that event the trade of Scotland had not thriven, and it had rifen fo rapidly fince, was it too much to impute the difference to the Union? There was one fact too which feemed decifive. The western part of Scotland, which, by its fituation, was that beft adapted for colonial trade, was that which had profpered in the greatest degree, and to that trade the rapid encrease of the wealth and population of Glafgow was to be attributed. Notwithftanding all thefe manifeft advantages refulting to Scotland from the Union; ftill, Sir, the mafs of the lower orders of the people, ridiculously credited the vifionary fpeculations of Lord Belhaven the declarations of Queen Anne, foon. after the accomplishment of the meafure, were, however, exact reprefentations of the truth. Her Majefty congratulated the united kingdoms on a measure which would prove a foundation for lafting peace and amity between both countries-which would remove all jealoufies, and increase the ftrength, riches, and trade of the Empire; and that the Union of the whole ifland under one Government, would conftitute fuch a condensed force as would enable them to refift and overcome all their enemies. These predictions of Her Majefty, I believe, Sir, it is well known have fince been abundantly fulfilled.

The measure of a Union in the great and striking instance I have dwelt upon, was brought about after a due communication of the bufinefs by the Sovereign, to both countries; by the wife, vigorous, and conftitutional exertions of the Minifters of the day, against the influence and oppofition of various factions, compofed principally of interested men, who laboured to make the people believe that the measure would operate to their deftruction; and from what has paffed in the country I have fpoken of, I am convinced that a fimilar measure with refpect to Ireland would confer the most fubftantial benefits upon that country, and that its increase in wealth and profperity would at leaft equal that in Scotland. I fhall here notice a queftion which was more than once triumphantly afked by an Honourable Gentleman? "Why not give all thofe advantages to Ireland without a Union?" The best way I can anfwer this, is, by another question: If Great Britain fhould communicate thefe indulgencies, or opportunities of Ireland, could fhe, under her prefent

5 L 2

prefent conftitution of Government, take the advantage of them? I am convinced the could not, and that in her prefent fituation fuch conceffions, would not be productive of advantage. It was impoffible, in his opinion, that England could grant all the commercial advantages fhe poffeffed to Ireland, while the independent Parliament of the latter deprived us of all reftriction or controul of these advantages. The value of these advantages too would depend upon the confidence in the tenure by which they were held, and in the power by which they were to be protected and maintained. Without an incorporated Union, they would be of no avail; for the strength and refources of both countries must be confolidated, in order to enable Ireland to reap the full advantage from fuch conceflions; and this confideration recalls to my mind a proceeding which took place before the Union with Scotland, which put the interefts of that kingdom and Ireland in a fort of iffue.-It happened early in the reign of Charles II. and in this way-from the period of the crowns of both kingdoms being united in the perfon of James I. Scotland enjoyed feveral important commercial advantages derived from England until the reign of Charles II. when they were done away by the provifions of the Navigation Act: the Scots remonftrated against what they called an injustice, and commiffioners were appointed to take cognizance, of the matter. In the course of thefe proceedings, the Scots loudly complained that they were treated with lefs indulgence than the Irifh which produced an authoritative declaration from the English commiflioners, fetting forth the causes why these indulgencies were continued to the Irish, namely, because the crown of Ireland was infeparably annexed to that of England;-That they were to be always worn by the fame Monarch-that the kingdom of Ireland was an appendage to that of England-that the Irish Laws were of no effect until they received the fanction of the Privy Council of England-and that the Lord Treasurer, and other English officers of ftate, had various privileges and other powers in Ireland. Thefe were stated to the Scotch Commillioners, why Ireland was confidered as entitled to a degree of indulgence fuperior to that allowed to their nation; and in the prefent very much altered ftate of things in the three kingdoms, a fimilar anfwer might be given to the quef tion, "Why not give thefe advantages to Ireland without a Union?" In addition to this it might be obferved, that the English government, confiftent with the duty they owe to their British fellow-fubjects, could not make fuch conceffions

to

to Ireland under its prefent conftitution and feparate legiflature; fo that the very circumftance of Ireland enjoying what is called an independent legiflature, is the means of depriving her of a participation in these commercial benefits. Conceffions of such a nature, I contend, cannot be fafely granted until the fuperintendance of an Imperial Parliament poffeffes the control over the refources of the empire at large, and the power of applying them to imperial purposes. Indeed, the anfwer of the English commiffioners, as I have juft recited, is one of the beft that can be given to the repeated question I have already mentioned. With refpect, Sir, to the fate of the propofitions in 1785, fo much spoken of, the commercial benefits then tendered to Ireland were rejected on the fame mistaken grounds that the House of Commons fet their face against the prefent measure -They thought that the fourth propofition encroached upon their independence, and in confequence refused great commercial advantages. This confidcration, I think, brings the queftion between the two countries to a fair iffue. Is Ireland to be confidered in a better fituation with her prefent feparate legislature, and deprived of thefe manifold commercial advantages; or with her legiflature incorporated with that of Great Britain, with the full enjoyment of all those commercial benefits, and the various other advantages in a view of power, confequence, and refpectability, as must refult to Ireland, when thoroughly united with Great Britain? -This is the true queftion to be confidered by the Irish: for my part, I have not a doubt upon the point-the latter fituation would be decidedly to the advantage of Ireland. Great ftrefs, Sir, has also been laid, by an Honourable Gentleman, on the fettlement in 1782, which has been called a final adjustment. I fhall not cavil about words, but I contend that much of the argument founded upon that proceeding, as used by the Honourable Gentleman, was thrown away, as inapplicable to the prefent queftion. Indeed, I might call it on his part as fighting with a fhadow.-The queftion at iffue, Sir, I muft again repeat it, is between the benefits and advantages, take them all in all, derivable to Ireland from her prefent feparate legiflature, or those from an incorporated Union. However, I must protest against the idea, that any thing in the prefent proceedings is any ways hoftile or derogatory to the acknowledged independence of Ireland. The very mode of putting the prefent question to their Parliament, implies its legislative independence. He did not difpute the propriety of the feelings of national pride, dignity, and honour of the Irish, which led them to cherish

their independence, but he muft fay in juftice to his anceftors, that the Irish would not in this view give up fo much as the Scots. In point of local or geographical fituation, with a reference to the measure of a Union, I acknowledge that the two countries, Scotland and Ireland, widely differ-the former is divided from this part of the ifland, principally by a river: the Honourable Gentleman to whom I have had occafion more than once to allude, refides not far from that boundary; and the county which he reprefents, now fo flou rifhing in point of agriculture, and fo enriched by the trade of its fea-port towns, was, while the Northern and Southern parts of the ifland were in a state of hoflility, confidered merely as a neutral territory-the feat of frequent and bloody actions, and defpoiled by the frequent inroads made upon it -barren, untilled, and in a ftate of devaftation-let him look to the contraft. I think it not unfair, Sir, also to allude to another advantage which England enjoys from the Union, namely, the great affiftance in her hoftile operations which she derives from thofe myriads of gallant and hardy men who enter into her armies, and fhare in the glory of all their exploits. Befides, Sir, there was another advantage which Scotland facrificed upon her obtaining the Union, which it is not in the power of Ireland to bestow, I mean, Sir, the independent crown which Scotland then furrendered, as well as a perfectly independent legiflature. Ireland is in that view differently circumstanced. The crown of that kingdom must reft upon the head of whoever is fovereign of England, and the fame perfon muft fway both fceptres. The Scots undoubtedly furrendered thefe honours at the time with reluctance, and evinced the greatest hoftility to the Union, until experience had made her acquainted with its bleflings. The Duke of Queensberry, the nobleman who took the most active part in carrying the measure into effect, and was her Majefty's commillioner for the purpose, narrowly escaped in feveral inftances, with his life-feveral of his guards were killed. The Duke of Hamilton, the patriot of that day, the moft violent oppofer of the measure, was applauded to the fkies for his conduct by the populace-they regularly chaired him from his apartments in Holyrood Houfe, to the Parlia ment houfe, juit as the Dublin mob lately did the Speaker of the Irish Houfe of Commons; but, Sir, the popularity of the Duke of Hamilton, and the other oppofers of the Union, in a little time died away, and those men who boldly ftood forward in maintaining the rights and the real good of their country, even against the wifhes of the people at the time,

lived to receive the well earned reward of the general praises and bleflings of their countrymen, for being the means of conferring upon them fuch great and unexpected benefits.—

For a ftriking inftance of my laft affertion, that the people of Scotland were fhortly apprifed of the benefits refulting from the Union, even in the fhort interval of eight years, I fhall recur to the Scottish history for a particular fact-the Pretender, previous to his landing in Scotland in 1715, published feveral manifeftoes, in which he fet forth, that one of the first acts of his reign should be, in cafe of fuccess, to repeal the Act of Union. However, upon inquiry, he found, that fuch a procceding was fo unpopular, that he left it out of all his fubfequent proclamations. Thus may we hope to convince the Irish people of the advantage of a fimilar meafure, not by corruption or intimidation, but by an increase of trade, an influx of riches, and the rapid rife of national profperity. With respect to Ireland, nothing has been done hitherto to alarm, in the moft diftant degree, that country. So far then from being an attack on the independence of Ireland, as was faid by Lord Yelverton, it was because the Irish Parliament was independent that the propofal could be made, and an answer be returned. The very agitating the queftion of Union in the prefent manner proves our recognition of her independence, as established in 1782, but at the fame time, Sir, I must say, that that affair, according to the moft refpectable opinions on both fides of the water, was left in fuch a ftate as to require fome farther meafures, or the countries could not hang together. At that time every body was convinced that it left the two countries in a situation that something more was neceffary to be done, and on that account a refervation was made.-Something must be done to remove the existing jealoufies, as well as to regulate the commercial interefts of the countries; the propofitions were an attempt at this.-With respect to the well known part taken by Mr. Grattan at that period, it was faid that he was only the mouth-piece of the Volunteers upon the occafion-the fact is, Sir, that the thing was done in a hurry; it was a cafe of neceflity, the Miniftry of that day did not know which way to turn, and the measure was adopted in order to avoid a greater danger. The cafe is very different now-The British Parliament wished to treat with the Irish upon equal terms, and to reafon upon the propofal in a cool, difpaffionate, and candid manner; it was propofed to give them a better legislature than they poffeffed at prefent. Upon that ground we defire it, and upon no other.

We