time and opportunities were wanting to convince the Parli ament of Ireland of the propriety of the meafure, and he accufes me of having meant to infinuate that this time and opportunity to convince, was in fact a leisure to intimidate and corrupt the Members of the Irish Senate. I do not in deed mean to queftion his knowledge of the most effectual means of perfuafion and conviction, and when he talks of convincing the Irifh as the Scots were convinced, I confefs I entertain a fufpicion that the fame means will be used that were employed at the time of the Union with Scotland.→→→ The Duke of Hamilton was bought over in the ftruggle against the Union with Scotland, and it was ridiculous to fuppofe that fimilar arts would not again be practifed, and no one could be more fkilled in those arts than the Right Hon. Gentleman. But the Right Hon. Gentleman fays, that the time which he requires is for the purpose of convincing them, by the bleffings which they will experience after a Union. This is rather an Irish way of convincing people, and in fact it leaves me in full poffeffion of my former opinion, that it is the intention of his Majesty's Minifters to convince the Irish Parliament, as the Duke of Hamilton was formerly convinced in Scotland.

The Right Hon. Gentleman then fays, that he wishes to treat of the measure of the Union on equal terms with Ire land; but when he fays fo, I would ask him how it is poffible? Surrounded as they were with English troops, which were faid to be neceffary for their defence, and depending, as it had been faid, on the British Parliament for the continuance of their commercial advantages, they could not be in a fituation to give a free affent. But the people of Ireland were to be convinced of the good the prefent measure was to do them, by affuring them that it would be productive of much benefit bereafter. In the prefent relative state of the two Countries I defy him to talk of equality. If inftead of the intimidation which had been used towards the Irish Members of Parliament, if Lord Cornwallis, instead of fending to an illuftrious and diftinguished Gentleman in office to difcontinue his fervices, had faid to him, on this queftion ufe your own judgment and vote according to your confcience; if, in fhort, the Irish Government had acted directly contrary to the manner in which they have acted; if all thefe circumftancs had concurred, ftill I affert the Irish Parliament could not have treated on equal terms with that of Great Britain. An argument has been addreffed to me in particular as the reprefentative of the pride, or as it

has

has been called, the falfe pride of the Gentlemen of Ireland. The Members, fays the Right Hon. Gentleman who uses the argument, of the Irish Parliament would, by becoming Members of the Imperial Parliament, acquire what they do not at present poffefs, a degree of control over the British Adminiftration.

Another branch of the Right Hon. Gentleman's reafoning is, that the Irish Parliament has not at prefent any power to decide on the question of peace or war. On this head he quotes Mr. Grattan, who fays, that it is bound by the Acts of the English Government. I would afk, what they would gain in this respect by a Union? Can the Hon. Gentleman be ignorant that the privileges of Parliament do not entitle them to decide on the queftion of the propriety of Peace or War; that this is part of the Prerogative of the Executive Power, and that it only remains for the Legiflative Body to vote or to withold the Supply? If the Right Hon. Gentleman means to affert that the Irish Parliament will, in the event of a Union, have a voice in proportioning the Supply which is to be raised for the purpofe of carrying on the war, on Ireland, it is a privilege which they at prefent enjoy.What is it then that they are invited to do? to have, by the adoption of this measure, the chance of an unequal and improper fupply raised from their Country, because the other Members who are called upon to decide with them are ig norant of the circumftances of the Country. Such is to be the advantage which the Irish Members are to derive from fitting in this Imperial Parliament, on the subject of which I have certainly heard much Imperial nonfenfe, that is, I mean nonsense of the first rate, and moft unequivocal kind. He then proceeds to illuftrate his arguments by bringing forward Scotland. The Right Hon. Gentleman, in demonftrating the comparative infignificance of the difcuffions of the Irish Parliament, difcovered that Ireland was an island, and an island too surrounded by the fea, and it feemed that going upon the idea of Irish bulls and blunders, he had conceived that an Irish ifland was fomething not furrounded by the fea. With this extraordinary advantage, however, he would advise the Irish Parliament to give up the narrow and contracted sphere in which they exercifed their independence, in order to expand their views and enlarge their confequence by tranfplanting themselves into the Imperial Parliament, where they would derive fo many advantages. Yes, Sirs, faid he, where they will derive the advantage of quitting a Parliament where their Chancellor of the Exche

quer

quer was turned out of his place for acting according to the dictates of his conscience, and what he deemed the interests of his country, and be tranfplanted to the Imperial Parliament, where they will behold a Chancellor of the Exchequer, whom no human power is likely to turn out of his fituation; instead of their little budget, he advises them to come and hear his India budget; to hear an Hon. Lord talk of marching to Paris, and an Hon. Gentleman expatiate on the value of Corfica, and another on that of St. Domingo; and to share in the four hundred millions of debt under which this Country labours. If the Right Hon. Gentlemen oppofite to me fay no, to this affertion, I defire them to recollect the argument, in favour of the competence of Parliament-[a loud cry of No, No]. Will the Hon. Gentlemen deny this competence? When I have oppofed it, I have been told, that power was delegated from the people, and that they could not control it. I will fuppofe, however, that the Irish Knights have taken their feats here, -according to one learned Gentleman, there is great reafon to apprehend that they would be very loquacious; but for my own part, I am difpofed to think that they would be awe-ftruck with the Imperial Parliament. What would they say when a measure of the fort to which I allude was propofed? They would turn back to the votes of your House, and would fee that an English Parliament without a fingle Irish Member in it, had voted the measure now before the Houfe, and they would fee that they could make or diffolve at pleasure what they thought fit, without regard to any compact which I affert to exift. The Right Hon. Gentleman fays very fairly, that Scotland has not been much oppreffed by the Union. This indeed I am difpofed to admit, though I do not fee that this has arifen from any extraordinaay degree of oppofition on the part of the Members for Scotland, nor any fuperior spirit exerted on their part. He then proceeds to enumerate a great variety of benefits which Scotland has derived, and had very facetioufly, in leaning over the table, favoured the Houfe with the recitals of feveral predictions of a lord Belhaven, in one of which he fays that mother Caledonia was stabbed by Julius Cæfar. Now, faid he, lord Belhaven might have remembered that Julius Cæfar was ftabbed by Brutus; and fuppofing that mother Caledonia was about to be stabbed by her fons, he might have confined her affaffination to the ftabbing of Julius Cæfar; but that he could predict that mother Caledonia would be ftabbed by Julius Cæfar, was

truly

truly prepofterous. From this inaccuracy, he thought he might fairly infer that there was not much truth in the ftatements of the Right Honourable Gentleman, relative to the Manifefto of the Pretender. The Right Honourable Gentleman had faid, that he had been obliged to ftrike out a part of it, which promifed a repeal of the Union. On his afking him across the table, if it was true? the Right Hon. Gentleman had anfwered, he had read it fomewhere. Now, faid Mr. Sheridan, I have been frequently credibly informed, that the fact was exactly the reverfe. He recollects to have read fomething about this fomewhere, but does not seem to think the truth or falsehood of it to be very material to the point in queftion. Now for all the arguments which he adduces in favour of the increased profperity of his Country in confequence of the Union, I can anfwer by a reference to the improvement which he states to have taken place in England. Look at Ireland as it is at prefent, and the comparison of its wealth to its former fituation is not lefs ftriking. When the vast increased commerce of England, increafed beyond the moft fanguine calculation, was confidered, will it be contended that a fhare of it must not have reached Scotland even without a Union. In Ireland without a Union, and fince the recognition of her independence, her commercial progrefs has been very great. The Right Hon. Gentleman indeed is difpofed to state the advantages which Scotland had derived from the Union in fo extravagant a manner as calculated to revive the illiberal jealoufies which a few years ago prevailed against that Country, and to make England conclude, that if one wife has got fo much out of it, what will two do? But these advantages the Right Honourable Gentleman contends could not have refulted to Ireland without a Union, and in fupport of his opinion he quotes that of one of the Commiffioners, who afferts that without a Union Scotland could not have reaped thefe advantages. So far from believing this to be the cafe, I will confidently affert, that without any Union, the more you do for Ireland, the better it is for this Country; that the 700,000l. of which you make Ireland a prefent in the way of bounty, produces a valuable return to this Country, and the progrefs of civilization and of profperity are highly beneficial to the interefts of England. The Commiffioner whofe authority is quoted, fays indeed otherwife; but no man of fenfe will for a moment fuppofe, that the advantages which we have given have been hurtful to Great Britain. What has been given to Ireland has been given wifely. In

this respect let the Houfe be guided by experience, and not by theory, and they would purfue the fame wife measures.

The Right Honourable Gentleman contends that the majority which comes forward as adverfe to the measure is trifling; but will he maintain this? Will he not admit that the characters which compofe that majority are of the most refpectable in Ireland, while in the lift of the minority there are a number of placemen, whofe motives may reasonably be fufpected. It is the land and property of Ireland in a conteft with the influence and corruption of that country.It is the most refpectable part of the Irish community backed by the popular cry. This measure of the Right Honourable Gentleman has, I affert, fet the island in a flame, and whatever can be advanced on the fubject, if it be objected that the difcuffion is dangerous, is merely adding a fpark to a furnace, or throwing a torch into a volcano. I am told that I am not to urge my opinion on this fubject, because Mr. G. Ponsonby, a name which I mention with the highest refpect, has withdrawn his motion. The Right Honourable Gentleman was pleased to call this a rejection, but I believe he will readily admit, after the number of his own motions which I have feen withdrawn, that there is a material difference between a motion being withdrawn and its being rejected. I contend that it was only withdrawn, and that upon the argument of "Why prefs it at this moment, when it may be entirely ufelefs? The English Minister will never think of preffing this bufinefs, after he knows the decifion of the Irish Parliament; for the prefent, therefore, do not urge the question." On this the motion was withdrawn, but when the intention of the Minister comes to be known, I have no doubt but it will be immediately refumed. But why was the motion of Mr. Ponfonby withdrawn? Becaufe it was thought unneceffary to bring it forward, when the fenfe of the people of Ireland appeared fo much against it. When, however, the Irish Parliament fhall learn that the English Parliament has come to the Refolutions, it will fee the neceffity of the propofed Refolution. There is yet one point, Sir, which is only flightly glanced at, but on which I confider it my duty to fay fomething-I mean the competence of Parliament to the difcuffion of this question. -On this fubject I will touch, because I have documents this day come into my, poffeffion, which prove that it is a fubject which now occupies the confideration of all Ireland. I would ask of him who afferts this right to be inherent in Parliament at one time and not at another-of him who

No. 21.

5 N

denies