denies that there is any fovereignty in abeyance in the people, of him who maintains that there is too great a difpofition to queftion the rights conferred on the Representative by delegation, whether, knowing this difpofition to exift, he should at the present time have brought forward a queftion which could have provoked the difcuffion of fuch a question. The Right Hon. Gentleman oppofite to me has talked of “a fovereignty in abeyance in the people," and denied it on the ground that, if it was allowed, all the acts paffed by the Parliament, such as the Septennial Act, the Act of Union, &c. &c. are nullities-that you, Sir, fitting in that chair, are a ufurper, that we are all ufurpers who hold feats in this House. Sir, I deny this doctrine; I fay there is a fovereignty in abeyance in the people, and if there is not, I contend that the prefent family on the throne are ufurpers. -The practice of the revolution clearly fhews the force of the argument. When king James II. abdicated the crown, the Parliament did not proceed to do any act of itself for fettling the crown, but exprefsly called a Convention, which the Lord Mayor of London and fifty Commoners were invited to attend. All the Members who had fat in the Parliament of Charles II. were alfo fummoned, and every step which could be taken in the then preffing exigency of affairs, was actually taken, to fhew that the appointment to the crown was in the people, and in them only.-In fact, another Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Windham) had at one time admitted, not only this right, but a right of refiftance in cafes of extreme danger, and irrefiftible neceffity; and it was directly to contradict the Conftitution to fay that fuch a right did not exist in the people. But the people have already been told of this right by Locke, by Sidney, and other writers, and knowing that they have fuch a right, do not require to be told of it. The Right Hon. Gentleman, who either denies it, or who would conceal it, by this conduct alfo denies the titie of his Majefty to the throne. On this fubject I have thought it my duty to enter, as it forms one part of the reasons for which, Sir, I muft oppofe your ing the chair.

leav

The Secretary at War faid, that the manner in which the queftion had been debated, principally induced him to rife at that late hour of the night. It was not his intention to enter into the merits of the queftion, but to answer fome points which had been urged by Gentlemen on the other fide of the Houfe. He thought the Honourable Gentleman oppofite to him had all along proceeded on a mistake, and

appeared

appeared to imagine that Union was fought for the advantage of England, and not of Ireland. It was propofed, however, because it was advantageous to Ireland immediately, and to fay the most, its advantages to England were remote and relative, scarce of any commercial confequence at all. Confidering this, one felt fome impatience at the manner it was difcuffed in Ireland, and no very great complacency for the oppofers of the measure in this country. He did not know what England had to wifh from fuch a connexion, for fhe commanded already all the commerce of the world, and amply poffeffed the means of defence. As to the conftitutional question, that it was an innovation, he was one of those who never was an enemy to the maxim of mending what was wrong in the systems of polity, provided the time was fuited to the enterprize. If Ireland was in a state politically to require amelioration, it was right that fomething fhould be done to correct whatever was vicious in her system. He believed Union would do this. It was the only measure which, to his mind, fuggefted an adequate remedy to fo great and fo growing an evil, and it fhould have his fupport on that and other general but just grounds. What, in fact, was the nature of the contract. It was a bargain, a confolidation of interefts by which Ireland was to benefit great commercial immunities, in which England had much to lofe, and nothing to gain, and Ireland had much to gain and very little to lofe. He maintained, that the diforders of Ireland grew chiefly out of the Conftitution of Ireland established for near a century and a half; and it was impoffible, that a Government agitated as that of the Sifter Kingdom had been; a Government diftorted in every limb, could enjoy health, or long furvive thofe difeafes, fome of them lingering, and fome of them acute, but which being inherent in its frame, no medicine could eradicate. The deformity of this conftitution was its coercive form. For a long time the turbulence of the people knew no restraint from authority, and their ferocity was without a corrective from reason. The Government was fituated as it were in a garrisoned town, and regarding the people with jealoufy, the people in their turn regarded the Government as an ufurpation or worse. A mere Provifional Government which, whether it had lafted one century or three was ftill a Provifional Government, deriving its existence, form, and power from another ftate. Much of the distraction alfo of Ireland arose from the barbarous ignorance of its people, who were made ferocious from the animofities which exifted among themselves, 5 N2

and

and which ferocity gave occafion to new reftraints on the part of the Government, and which again redoubled the fury of the people, fo that Government ftood in the fame. relation to them as the man did to the wolf which he had by the ears, and which he could neither hold nor let go. The Conftitution, therefore, and the barbarous ignorance of the people which grew out of that Conftitution, were the remote caufes of the diftractions in Ireland, but the proximate caufe was undoubtedly the inoculation of French principles, That leperous diftillment

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"Which holds fuch enmity to the blood of man," that it can never enter without producing death. nately the contamination had reached Ireland, and to its baneful influence they were to attribute the late horrible diforders of that kingdom. This was that leprous spirit which had mingled with the life blood of Europe, had withered the aged, had vitiated the youthful, had polluted the fources of thought, and given to the whole fyftem of manners and of morals a malignity of character, a groffness and laffitude, which had rendered the obligations between men little elfe than nugatory, and had introduced instead of religion, infidelity; instead of allegiance, difaffection; inftead of loyalty, a luft for treafons. An ancient philofopher had faid, that the people were like a fea, that the breath of demagogues could ftir into commotion. If this were true, what a fea was the people of Ireland for the demagogues of France to flir? They there found a people light and unreflecting, where it was eafy to practife the arts of political feduction. They made that plea of national delufion, which they have ever fince kept in a state of agitation and reftleffness. Government was charged with the imputation of corrupting the Parliament of Ireland-corruption was not a folitary vice. It required two partics to conftitute the crime-the corruptor and corrupted. Now, if it were true, that the Parliament of Ireland was of a nature to be corrupted, what would be the confequence of the Government's abftaining? Corruption difappointed might degenerate into faction, and its tendencies ungratified might be more mischievous than if directed into the line of duty. He maintained, that the cure of the diforders with which Ireland was convulfed, could only be effectually found in the improvement of the manners of the lower orders of the people, by the introduction of British customs and British commerce, which, in his opinion, the Union bid fairer to do than any other means that could poffi

bly

bly be devifed. The only queftion was, "Is an Union of the two countries defirable or not?" He took a view of the fituation of the Catholics, and faid, that they were a tolerated body to a great degree, but there must be an established religion, if fociety was to be kept wholefome and found. "Where," faid Mr. Windham," you have Religion, at leaft you have not pure Jacobinifm; but those who are completely jacobinized are loft-they have fuftained a loss of fubftance which no phyfician can restore. But fuch who have not yet been wholly depraved, fuch who retain fome of the early principles and honourable and revered prejudices of a Chriftian education, may in time be restored to foundnefs and health." Having urged the arguments of Mr. Dundas refpecting the Catholics, he next took up the queftion of time, and faid, that in the prefent circumstances of the country fomething must be done, and what was wanted was fome measure by which we could fecure the tranquillity of Ireland. It could not be intended to force an Union, for this would defeat the end of it. But when the time should arrive that it would be poffible to appeal from Philip drunk to Philip fober; from an Irish Parliament intoxicated with pride and paffion, to an Irish Parliament fobered by reflexion and tempered by wisdom, the propofitions of his Right Honourable Friend would, he had no doubt, meet with the general approbation of the Irish Parliament, and people. He wifhed to appeal from the Irish, mad with independence, that is to fay, independent of reafon, independent of argument, to the Irish in a fit mood to examine the propofition that was offered them. With refpect to intimidation, that could not be intimidation which left a choice. He contended, that nothing could be more different from the real fact, than the statement made by Gentlemen on the oppofite fide of the House, that these refolutions were intended to be forced upon the people of Ireland; the very reverse was the cafe; the only intention of paffing them, was to fhew the people of Ireland the real terms on which an Union was defired by the Parliament of this country. The Honourable Gentleman wifhed the difcuffion might be deferred till paffion fhould fubfide, and prejudice be corrected; but he must think, if the Houfe waited for two fuch extraordinary events, they would wait long enough. One Honourable Gentleman thought it impoffible, that the Irifh could give a free affent to the meafure in the prefent fituation of their country; but did the Honourable Gentleman not know that where there is a power to diffent, there is alfo freedom of aflent, and

the

the Parliament of Ireland having rejected the propofition, or rather declined at all to enter into the difcuffion, at least such was the fact with respect to one branch of the legislature, it proved that the people, by their representatives, might as eafily have given a free affent as expreffed their diffent. He concurred in opinion with his Right Honourable Friend, Mr. Dundas, refpecting the general effect of the Union of England with Scotland, obferving, that though with the revolutions which commercial affairs had of late years experienced, Scotland would neceffarily have grown into fome importance as a trading nation, yet the advantages derived by her from the clofeness of her connexion, were fuch as she could in no other way have acquired. He faw nothing difrespectful in the language which had been held of the Irish Parliament, and although it certainly might be faid that the propofitions of his Right Honourable Friend would reach the Irish public through the medium of fpeeches and pamphlets, he thought it politic and refpectful folemnly to record the opinion of the Parliament of Great Britain of the prefent ftate of the connexion between the two countries, and of the means by which the troubles that agitate the one are to be allayed, and the remedy which the other in her folicitude for a fifter Kingdom, feeks to apply to the difeafe. He would not then enter upon the difcuffion, which the Honourable Gentleman (Sheridan) had agitated towards the clofe of his speech. It was concerning a queftion of general abstract principles of Government, and he thought it enough to fay that he most completely concurred in opinion with his Right Hon. Friend, that the people have no political right to change the government, or to refift it, whatever might be the moral right which a people would be allowed fpeculatively to poffefs. The right of refiftance was not a right acknowledged by or known to the British conftitution. He concluded with exprefling himself decidedly for the motion.

Mr. Tierney faid, he had hoped the Right Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Pitt) would have "eloquently" abandoned the prefent meafure, but now the difcuffion was provoked, and the inftigator of the mifchief must abide by the confequences. He deprecated the preffing the Houfe to a decifion now. The abstract question of a Union was not now before them. He had not made up his mind on that point; but on the queftion of pufhing it now, after what had happened in Ireland, he thought no man who regarded the peace and connexion of the two countries could differ.-It was pregnant with ruin. He found fault with Mr. Dundas for comparing