Right Hon. Gentleman, must effentially conduce to the real interests of both kingdoms, impels me to come forward as I now do, and urge my propofition before any further proceedings are had upon the subject.

What I Sir, rife for, is for the purpose of propofing an inftruction to the Committee, which has for its object to allay and set aside those alarms and grievances which are so justly complained of, as agitating and oppreffing the people of the fifter kingdom. I do it now, though I am apprifed that in the Committee it would be perfectly competent for me to move any other refolution independent of the refolution for an Union. My propofition, if adopted, will lead to a measure which can, at no one time, be with more propriety or effect reforted to than at the prefent moment. It will not go in the fmalleft degree to trench upon the favourite independence of Ireland, but will ferve to strengthen and cement clofer the connection between the kingdomsand in as great a degree as the juftly reprobated measure of a Union can be fuppofed to do, even taking its confequences and effects from the statements and defcriptions of the Right Honourable Gentleman oppofite to me and his colleagues. It may be objected to me, Sir, that bringing fuch a propofition forward at this particular period, is contrary to the forms of the Houfe, and irregular in point of order ;-but I am of a contrary opinion. I think that the House is now, confiftently with all its forms and orders, fully competent to deliberate on what I mean to propofe. It certainly was decided by the Houfe, that the propofitions of the Right Honourable Gentleman fhould be referred to a Committee, but neither the Houfe nor the Committee have, in the flightest manner, as yet determined on any part of the Right Honourable Gentleman's project. I then, Sir, hold it fully competent, even at this moment, to any man to propofe what I fhall have the honour to fubmit to you. Nay more, Sir, I think that, under all the circumftances of the cafe, the general forms of the Houfe entitle my motion to the pre-eminence. It ought, I contend, to have a previous difcuffion, as well from its own nature, as with a reference to the present fituation and temper of a great body of the inhabitants of the fifter kingdom. I confefs, Sir, that my propofition, in the view I mean to place it, will I fear have little weight with thofe who, though they are already apprised of the fentiments of the Irish Houfe of Commons, till entertain a hope that these might change in a very material degree on this head, I must say, that I for one do

not

not entertain the leaft hope; but my propofition will, Sir, I truft, appear to the Legiflature of the fifter kingdom in a very different view from what many regard the project of a Union. The propofition which I have to make has for its object the putting an end to thofe religious feuds which are fo much complained of by the Right Honourable Gentleman, as exifting in Ireland-perhaps to those who had not examined the nature of the thing, and who had only looked tranfiently at the alledged difference between the House of Commons of Ireland, and the plan of the Right Honourable Gentleman, the measure now about to be fubmitted to the Houfe would appear too extenfive. It was no less than that of faying by a refolution of that House, that that which the Right Honourable Gentleman faid could be only accomplished by a Union, fhould be done by a fingle refolution. -It was to do away all civil and religious incapacity on account of religious opinion. At the fame time I infift, that, in an infinitely preferable mode it will embrace all those defirable objects with which it is contended a Union would be fraught, without being liable to any of its wellfounded objections. For adopting this propofition, I again contend, there is no unfitness in the time, but on the contrary, the greatest propriety; added to this, I have taken care fo to word my motion, that not the leaft cavil can be offered against it on the ground of its tending to trench upon the independence of Ireland. Not only this, but the meafure of doing away religious diftinctions, feuds, and animofities, has a ftronger recommendation than any in my power to urge, namely, the recommendations of Minifters themfelves, by their measures to that end in the year 1791. I will quote a fingle paffage, to recal to the Right Hon. Gentleman oppofite to me his own opinion on the occafion. The authority from which I quote is, I believe, a better one than the record which the Right Honourable Gentleman himself produced to us on a former night, and which I do not confider to be quite of that authentic nature which it was reprefented to be; but, Sir, the authority from which I quote is a letter, the whole of which the Noble Earl offered to prove in the Houfe of Lords-I mean Earl Fitzwilliam; He fays, "I was decidedly of opinion, that not only found policy, but juftice required, on the part of Great Britain, that the work which was left imperfect at that period (1795) ought to be completed. In this opinion the Duke of Portland uniformly concurred with me; and when this question came under difcuffion, previous to my departure

departure for Ireland, I found the Cabinet, with Mr. Pitt at their head, ftrongly impreffed with the fame conviction. Had I found it otherwife, I never would have undertaken the Government." His Lordfhip goes on to fay, "I confented not to bring the queftion forward on the part of Government, but rather endeavoured to keep it back, until a period of more general tranquillity, when fo many material objects might not prefs upon the Government; but as the principle was agreed upon, and the neceflity of its being brought into full effect was univerfally allowed, it was at the fame time refolved, that if the Catholics fhould appear determined to flir the bufinefs, and bring it before Parlia ment, I was to give it a handsome fupport on the part of Government."

Here, Sir, we have a diftinct opinion, that in the year 1795, the Cabinet, with Mr. Pitt at their head, were convinced, that found policy and juftice required that the little, and it is but little that was left undone, fhould be granted; and that he had received affurances to that effect, or he would not have undertaken the office. He thought it advifeable, however, to keep the agitation of the queftion rather back, until the times became more tranquil, refolving at the fame time, fhould it be urged by the Catholics themselves, to give the bufinefs a handfome fupport. This, Sir, was a ftrong proof that the Cabinet were impreffed with the idea of the justice and policy of fuch a proceeding, when they confided its adoption to the difcretion of Lord Fitzwilliam, and empowered him to give it a handfome fupport as he fhould fee occafion :-this was done, Sir, under the autho rity of Government.-And the Noble Lord in question ftated his opinion, that if he was left unfupported on the occafion, the confequences would be difaffection, infur. rection, and rebellion in that country. It is well known, Sir, what has enfued. Gentlemen now fee what the confequence has been, of not permitting Lord Fitzwilliam to follow up the plan he had laid down for his administration, by giving the queftion of Catholic emancipation a handfome fupport, as he was originally authorized. I fhould be glad to know whether the events which had fince happened in that distracted country, and all of which had been predicted by Earl Fitzwilliam, were not fuch as to induce the Right Honourable Gentleman to regret from the bottom of his heart, that he had not permitted the measure to be brought forward at that time. If he fhould fay, after witnefling the melancholy and alarming confequences of the recall of that

Nobleman,

Nobleman, that he ftill felt no regret at the proceeding of the British Cabinet, the House and the whole country would certainly hear that avowal with aftonifhment. Confiderations of much weightier importance, than any that could arife from mere curiofity, required that the Right Honourable Gentleman fhould explain the motives of that fudden change in his fentiments. If I can judge by his prefent geflures, indeed, he feems to indicate that there had been no change. The natural inference then was, that when he appeared to countenance the scheme of emancipation, he never entertained any idea of carrying it into execution, and that he fent over Lord Fitzwilliam merely to dupe the Irith Catholics for a time, to fuit his own purposes. To this conclufion, however, it was not very probable that the Right Honourable Gentleman would accede, for it would incur a much stronger imputation on his character, than an acknowledgement that he had changed his mind upon the queftion of emancipation, in confequence of unfitness of time, or change of circumftances. But either he must fubmit to that imputation, or it would be incumbent on him. to fhow very strong reafons for fuddenly abandoning a meafure, which, on the fame noble authority, he was ftated to have admitted to be of more fervice to the British Empire than any thing that could happen fhort of Union. This, by the way, was the first occafion upon which Union was hinted at, as preferable to Catholic emancipation; and fhowed how long the prefent project had been floating in his mind, though he had not till now found, what he conceived to be a fit opportunity for urging it. At this time the project of a Union is infifted upon by the Cabinet, as offering the fitteft opportunity for making thofe conceflions. The Right Honourable Gentleman always argued on the principle, that much of the diftractions of Ireland arife from the religious feuds prevalent among the people. With refpect to the Right Honourable Gentleman's change of opinion at that time on this important point, it might also be faid, that he then fet his face against the meafure from the conviction that it would be unpalatable to the Irish Parliament. This idea, I contend, could not have been well founded, as Lord Fitzwilliam's favourite plan of emancipation was perfect y well known, not only to the Irish Parliament, but to the people of that country at large, and notwithstanding, no Lord Lieutenant that was ever fent to that kingdom was recalled more against the general wifh and fenfe of either the Irish Parliament or people, and at the inftant it was authoritatively

authoritatively avowed that Catholic emancipation was the chief object of his miffion. It was not defended on the grounds of a difagreement with respect to the measure at that time in the cabinet. I hear with regret fince, that the fettlement of 1782 is looked upon by Minifters in a very unfavourable light.

It was broadly stated by the Right Honourable Gentleman that the Adjustment of 1782 was a frivolous and childish measure-that the interefts of the Empire should never be fuffered to hang together by fuch a miserable thread of connection: and he argued ftrongly, that it was ultimately poffible that the two Legiflatures might so far differ as totally to destroy the connexion between the countries: but thofe opinions, Sir, ought to be cautiously promulgated by perfons holding the important trufts of Minifters-they thould confider that fuch avowals might eventually overturn any fettlement they might make. Suppose, Sir, what they fhould call a Grand and Final Adjustment was made by them, profeffedly calculated to do away all jealoufies from the minds of the people of Ireland, did they not think that avowals of their fentiments of former fettlements would not a little ftagger the opinions of the people with respect to their fincerity on fuch an occafion? Certainly they must be fó affected. The fame argument would apply to the measure of a Union, so much vaunted of; their fincerity might even then be fufpected by the people. I acknowledge that the people of Ireland are fo circumftanced that fome remedy is neceflary to remove their grievances.The Right Hon. Gentleman afferted, that a Union was the only remedy. A Right Honourable Gentleman, a friend of the Minifter's, did not feem to approve of the remedy itself in time of trouble and irritation, but faid we had no choice between that of adopting it now or of putting it off, and that with a vengeance, ad Græcas Calendas. Was it to be inferred from this, that abandoning all idea of the neceffity of the free confent of the Irish nation, and confidering their Representatives as worthy of being put in ftrait-waiftcoats, he would proceed at once to cram it down their throats. But the Minifter himself faid, we should wait for a season of cool reflection with Ireland; thus these two Gentlemen differed widely in opinion, the one thinking that the measure was a good one, but that time ought to be taken to allow it to be calmly confidered; the other, that it is hardly good for much in itfelf, but that no time ought to be allowed for the confideration.

He