withdrawn. I do affert, that from the Cabinet of this country, with the individual now fpeaking to you at their head, no fuch authority was given, and therefore no fuch authority was withdrawn. That I now state as a fact here, and will state in every fituation wherever the statement shall become neceffary.

Mr. Sheridan faid, that the Right Honourable Gentleman denied what was put before the public by the authority of the Noble Earl; the cafe was of great importance, and ought to be put into a courfe of inquiry. If the Right Honourable Gentleman failed in the proof, or fhrunk from the inquiry, only one plain and clear conclufion could be drawn by every honest man in the kingdom.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer faid, he had no objection to confider this point, nor was it inconfiftent with the import of the King's Meffage; at the fame time, he felt himfelf bound to object to the original motion of the Hon. Gentleman, as he could by no means agree that that House fhould be called upon to confider the fituation of the catholics of Ireland, whilft both Parliaments remained distinct, because he confidered fuch a motion to be an attack upon the independence of the Legiflature of Ireland.

The question was then put upon the motion, with the amendment of the words" in the firft inftance," and negatived. The question was alfo put upon the original motion and negatived.

The question being put-" That the Speaker do now leave the Chair,"

General Fitzpatrick rose and faid, he had not the vanity to fuppofe that any arguments of his could divert the Right Honourable Gentleman from a project on which he seemed fo much to have fet his mind, and perhaps he might incur cenfure for what he was about to do, efpecially when he told the House that his motives were to a certain degree perfonal in what he was going to fubmit; and yet he hoped that an individual, in a particular fituation, as he was himfelf, might be permitted to call the attention of the House. Every one who had been employed under the Government during that period when the independence of the Irish Parliament had been declared, was, in his opinion, called upon to state the nature of those transactions which were now connected with the prefent difcuffion.

In 1782 he was officially employed in carrying into effect what he would venture to fay was then univerfally confidered as a final adjustment between this country and Ireland.

He must here remind the Houfe how the cafe ftood, and he would venture to affirm, that if ever there was a compact folemnly entered into, and binding between a prince and state, or between any one ftate or kingdom with another, binding upon both, the compact of 1782, between England and Ireland, was of that character and defcription; and he could not help thinking that the Right Honourable Gentleman would recollect that many perfons, and perhaps the majority of the people of Ireland, thought they did not fee it carried into effect until the year 1783, but that they did think they faw it then carried into effect. It was faid indeed that the measure now intended to be carried into effect was no infringement on that fettlement. He had not had the pleasure of hearing the Right Honourable Gentleman's fpeeches on the fubject, becaufe during the former difcuffions of this question he had been absent from the House; but judging of them from the reports in the newspapers, it was evident that his object was fuch as led to a direct infringement on that fettlement. He knew not whether he was to refer to the authority of the newspapers upon this fubject [No! No!]-well then, he would confine his remarks to what he had heard from the Minifter to-night. This Union, he said, grows out of the independence of the Parliament of Ireland, that was to fay, it grew out of the fettlement of 1782 between this country and Ireland.→ Now to bring in a measure into one Parliament, and to enter into refolutions upon it, that is to fay, in the British Parliament, by which the other, that is to fay, the Irish Parliament, is to furrender (for fo it muft in fome degree) to the other, appeared to him to be totally inconfiftent with the independence of the Parliament of Ireland which was eftablished in 1782. He would fay that the independence of the Irish Parliament muft difappear after the Union, and that it must be facrificed before any Union could take place. But to return, and to fay a few words on the fubject of the refolutions in Ireland, and the establishment of the independence of the Legiflature of that country. He was in Ireland, and had a feat in the Houfe of Commons there when the refolutions paffed in 1782. He held at that time an official fituation. It was wifhed at that time to talk them over, which they were very fully, after they came to that affembly. In the courfe of the difcuffion which took place on the meafure, a very diftinguifhed Member of the Irish Parliament, who afterwards obtained a feat in the British Houfe of Commons, he meant the late Mr. Flood, afked

him whether it was the intention of Government to adopt any other measures in confequence of that refolution, befides thofe which had been already fettled. He (General Fitzpatrick) being authorifed by the British Minifter, anfwered Mr. Flood that Government had no such intention: that there might probably be fome commercial regulations entered upon but that there was no intention whatever of propofing any meafure that should affect the country in any conftitutional point.-This was the clear understanding at that time on the part of Government; and if it had been intended to make any change in the Parliament of Ireland, must not that change be clearly meant as a conftitutional one? Mr. Flood, who had been hoftile to the refolution, and to the measures of Government, seemed on that occafion to be perfectly fatisfied with the answer he received. He would venture to fay that for the fifteen years following this refolution, there had been no doubt entertained upon the independence of the Irish Legislature in a conftitutional point of view. He was certain he ftated what he had faid already to Mr. Flood, and every body who knew any thing of that Gentleman knew he was not likely to be fatisfied with a trifling answer; nor was he the more likely to be fo at that particular moment, for he was not a friend to the adminiftration of that day. He confeffed, therefore, he was furprised to hear the Right Honourable Gentleman fay any thing of a flight nature against the settlement of 1782-He muft confider that Right Honourable Gentleman as a party to that fettlement: he was a ftrenuous fupporter of the Rockingham adminiftration he was a very active Member of Parliament ever fince he came into the House: he did not know whether the Right Honourable Gentleman took any share in the debates upon that fubject; most probably he did, and if he did not take an active part in the debates of that day, it might be owing to the attention he then beftowed in preparing his plan for a parliamentary reform: he would go further, and fay, it was a fettlement which not only had the approbation of the Right Honourable Gentleman, but was a measure that was univerfally approved of; it had the approbation of many of those who were now the friends and adherents of the Right Honourable Gentleman, fome who had been called into another place for changing their political fentiments, while he remained where he was, because he had not changed them. Lord Auckland, then Mr. Eden, moved for the repeal of the ftatute of the fixth of George the Firft:-Now the Right Honourable Gentle

man

man called the fettlement of 1782 a childish fettlement: upon what ground, he confefled he knew not. An Hon. Gentleman came over to England 40 support the measure. The Right Honourable Gentleman was Chancellor of the Exchequer when it was done. He was a Member of that Cabinet which ratified this childish measure. He feemed to think much of the difference which happened to take place between the Parliament of this country and that of Ireland upon the question of the regency-that was a difpute which fortunately never came to an iffue, but all difference upon that fubject might be laid aside for ever by a fingle act; and indeed he faw no reafon why the fpirit of the law, which provides that the fame perfonage fhall hold the fovereignty of both countries, fhould not be extended to the cafe of a regency; it would certainly be juft and falutary to have such an act, and it was eafy to make one, and therefore it was childish to object to the two independent Parliaments exifting together on that ground.

As to Ireland being ftated to be vulnerable, he could not help obferving that it had often been imputed to the Chancellor of the Exchequer of this country, that while he decries, he imitates and follows French examples.. He knew of nothing more violent in all the conduct of the French in point of breach of faith than this measure of the Minister was to the people of Ireland. He fhould fay that he knew of nothing in the conduct of the French that in point of breach of faith was more atrocious than this measure would be towards Ireland if carried by the British Parliament. Not even the conduct of the French in Switzerland would deserve to be confidered worse than this. That it was not for any particular hatred to the people of Switzerland that the French conducted themfelves there as they had done. It was with a view of increafing their own power. He was not attempting to juftify the French in what they had done.

God forbid he fhould; and he juftified this measure as little; they were both founded upon the will of the ftrongest.

With regard to the terms of the Union he did not mean to fay any thing, nor was it neceffary, in the view he had of the thing, to confider any thing about terms, he was against the meafure altogether, as a moft violent, flagrant, and unprincipled breach of faith, on the part of this Government towards the Irish Parliament. What fignified what the terms might be when there was no fecurity for their continuance ?He was fomething of an Irishman himfelf, although an abfentee; and he would fay, that the bet

ter

ter the terms appeared to be, the more he should, perhaps, be induced to dread them

Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes.

For what fecurity would the Irish have for the continuance of these good terms? Or what better fecurity can the British Parliament give to adhere to the proffered terms than were given at the time of the fettlement in 1782? Then, every folemn pledge was given of the perpetuity of that fettlement, nor could Parliament now give any greater fecurity for an adherence to the terms of the Union. The reprefentation of Ireland would then be very limited and confequently the Irish Members, fhould they be disposed to confult the interefts of their own country in particular, would have but a fmall fhare in the Legiflation of the Imperial Parliament. With refpect to the commercial advantages, which it was faid Ireland would derive from an Union, he did not hear that that bait had been bit at by any part of Ireland, except the city of Cork. If, however, after the imperial Parliament was formed, the interests of Cork fhould come in competition with those of Bristol, he would be glad to know what chance the former city could have of retaining the advantages by which it had been induced to favour the Union? He therefore thought it was unwife in that city to have come to refolutions to that effect. He could not help remembering that the late Mr. Burke loft his feat for Bristol, in confequence of the fhare he took in a measure supposed to have been advantageous to Irelandthis he only stated to fhew the local fpirit by which Ireland would be overpowered if the Union took effect.-In fhort, he would fay, that if this measure had originated in Ireland, the entertaining it here might be fair, but that it should originate in the British Parliament was a thing of which he fhould never have had any conception if he had not been the witnefs of the measure. For though this is not the time, perhaps, for the free fenfe of the nation to be taken, yet whilft that Parliament, which fometimes is represented to speak the fenfe of the people, and at other times is confidered as a factious body, agitated the question in the first inftance, the breach of faith would be got rid of. But without complimenting the Parliament of Ireland, he would fay, that whatever opinion he had of their virtue, he had not fo mean an opinion of their common feufe, as to think they could be brought to affent to this measure, to annihilate at a blow the whole of the conftitution of their country. Accordingly they had decidedly declared against the mea

fuse.