he contended, was not the proper way. He rather thought that the Irish Parliament was the proper medium through which all these diforders fhould be remedied. The fource of them, he contended, lay not in the government of Ireland, but in the prevalence of English faction and influence. He was fupported in this position by the unanimous and univerfal teftimony of all people there. He would appeal to the Catholics, to Dr. M'Niven, even the united Irifhmen themfelves joined in that opinion.-Throughout that country English faction was execrated. The refolution agreed to in 1795, by the delegates of the Catholics, who met at Dublin, in point of ftrength of expreffion and determination of purpose, was not to be exceeded by any human composition. In that refolution we find them declare that Catholic emancipation would be no object to them; in other words, that they would not accept of it, if it was to be accompanied with an Union between Great Britain and Ireland. Hence would Union not allay the difcontents, not restrain the licentiousness of the Romanifts. What they fought was nothing more or less than the poffeffion of the whole power of the country, religious and political; and when it was remembered that they uniformly regard the proteftants with bitternefs and jealoufy (whofe exclufive privileges formed the chief ground of complaint) furely no man would be fo weak as to fuppofe that Union would compose and fettle all differences of opinion, and destroy the faction in arms against the government. He believed Únion would in fact be to the Catholics a rallying point, the standard of difaffection, and that they would in the filence of a period of apparent quiet, feek the means effectually to demolish the work of Union, and acquire that afcendency which they fo long fought with their lives. Nothing could be more ridiculous than to fuppofe that telling men "You have not thofe privileges you with for, but we give you Union, and we expect that the effect of it will be to diffipate your pride, and by breaking your spirit ultimately to fupprefs even the hope and with of emancipation. Was it not obvious that the Catholics were the authors of every rebellion against the government? Their Priests headed their hordes of pillagers in the laft rebellion, and would not the Priests always feek the deftruction of the English intereft in Ireland? For his own part he wished it were poffible to rid that unfortunate country of its Priefts. He had the authority of the com-mittee of the Irish Houfe of Parliament for ftating, that the Roman Catholic priests were the most active inftruments of the late Rebellion: Notwithstanding the conduct of the

French

French to the Pope and to all religions, particularly the Catholic, these priests were fo inveterate in their animofity to British connexion, that they were ready to promote the views of France for its deftruction. It was not religion then, but diflike of the English name, by which they were actuated. Such men, therefore, ought not to be fuffered to remain to nourish animofity and to perpetuate rebellion. The policy with which Ireland had been treated for many years was barbarous and narrow, and all civilization was prevented; for three centuries they had been stationary in civilization, and in reading fome of the modern tranfactions of that country, the mind would almoft fuppofe itself reading the transactions of three centuries back. The Union, he would ever contend, was not the means to remove these difficulties: before Ireland ought to be united with us, the ought to be prepared and fitted for it; we ought to tread back the paths we had already gone, and instead of abolishing religious diftinctions, we ought to refort back to them. The remedy he thought most likely completely to cure those wretches of their mania for revolution and plunder was to divide and arm them against themselves. Already there were in Ireland about 17,000 native troops, all Catholics, and he wished that instead of those men being thrown back into the impure mass of Roman Catholics, a line of diftinction might be drawn between them and the ferocious ban ditti who have facked Ireland, and every day outraged humanity. He would not object to the uncivilized and barbarous portions of them being gradually put on the fame footing with the armed Catholics, if gradually they should be found to yield to wholesome restraint, and were purged of their treasonable and favage paffions. But if Union should be adopted, he firmly believed the Proteftant intereft in Ireland would decline, and that the reduction of their con ftitutional Parliament would give to the Catholics a wider scope for the exertion of their diabolical talents at deception and intrigue. He had heard it advanced as an argument in favour of the Union, that the connexion now exifting between the two countries was frail and fragile, and might be eventually destroyed. Here the Honourable Member took an enlarged view of the queftion, and combated the arguments of Mr. Pitt, relative to the poffibility of the two Par liaments differing on great national queftions, concluding generally, that fince the king has the power of making Peace or War, the Parliament could in no way controul either of thofe events, and that inafmuch as the influence of the

crown

crown of Ireland was greater than in England, the Parliament of Ireland would always be in a ftate of neceflary fubferviency to that of England. He ridiculed the idea of the Irish Parliament having the power of neutralizing the ports of Ireland; this only the king could do, and it was more likely that fo wild a project would be entertained in Ireland than in England. If Ireland was looked to upon the map, would be seen that the could not exist independently. If not under the controul of Britain, fhe muft fall under the dominion of France. Was there any thing that could lead the mind to fuppofe that Ireland would prefer the protection of France to that of Britain? Was there any thing in the conduct either of Monarchical or Republican France, that fhould induce Ireland to throw herself into the arms of that power? With refpect to the plan of introducing such a number of reprefentatives into our Parliament, he objected very much to that part of the Plan.-It might be very right for a parent, having a depraved fon, to introduce him to good company, to correct his heart and amend his morals-but ought good company to receive him, would not he rather corrupt them than they amend him?-But there was another circumftance on which the House should paufe, before it came to a determination. He had oppofed the propofition formerly made for infufing, as it was called, fresh blood into the veins of the conftitution, by the addition of new knights, chofen from the counties of England. If, then, he was adverse to the admission of men of such a description as they must have been, on account of the number, how much greater must be the objection to the admiffion of a ftill greater number chofen from the Irish Houfe of Commons, conftituted as it was. Such an addition, he verily conceived, would make this Houfe over numerous, tumultuous, and diforderly. We ought not to tamper with our prefent Government; whatever might be faid the machine went practically well, in fpite of theories against it; and he conceived Soame Jenyngs must be right, though he could not account for it upon principles of reafon, when he afferted that it was no matter how the reprefentation was formed, when they got together they acted well. Suppofing the meafure paffed with the unanimous confent of Parliament, he did not fee its efficacy, or how it would prevent the Catholics from joining the French in three months after its adoption, if an opportunity fhould prefent itself; but the agitation of the queftion, in the present state of the country, might do much mischief; it would not diminish the number

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of enemies; on the contrary, it might make foes of those who were now our friends, and confequently could bring no addition of force or vigour to the common cause. He condemned the heat manifefted in the oppofition to it in Ireland, and he dreaded the confequences. As to the connexion between the two kingdoms, if it were to rest on the prefent bafis, he fhould not fear for its continuance, as the great commercial advantages enjoyed by Ireland, at the pleafure of England, and which conftituted the fource of her profperity, must make it her intereft to cultivate that connexion. Upon these grounds he fhould oppose it.

The Speaker faid, that the occafions were very few on which he ever felt difpofed to trefpafs on the attention of the House, or to take any part in its proceedings, except what attached to his official duties. But the present was an occafion on which he thought it was incumbent on him to deliver his opinions, it being a difcuffion of one of the moft interefting questions that probably ever came before Parliament.. Exhausted as was the subject by the very eloquent perfons who had already delivered their fentiments of it, and, divided as was the attention of the committee, he could not expect to make any deep impreilion on the minds of Gentlemen. He owned that he entertained a very different opinion from that of his Honourable Friend who had juft spoken, who had declared that the present state of Ireland was such, that in his opinion it would be unfafe for this country to coalefce with it. But it was upon the confideration of the state of that kingdom that he was induced to form a different fentiment, and which induced him to think that a Union was neceffary for its internal peace, as well as for fecuring it as an integral part of the empire.-The Hon. Gentleman thought that the remedy was not fuited to the evil, but, although the effect of this measure would not go fo far as to deftroy, yet he could not help thinking that it would tend at least to allay thofe animofities which fubfifted in Ireland, for a time; and he hoped at no distant time that they would be extinguished for ever. The Honourable Gentleman objected to a Union on the ground of the hostility of the Catholics to the English nation, but this measure would have a tendency to foften their afperity; he by no means wished to charge the whole body of the Catholics with a defire to effect a feparation of Ireland from Great Britain, nor to charge the plans of the United Irishmen exclufively to the Catholics, for many of the Irish Volunteers and Yeomanry were of that body. The Honourable Gentleman,

tleman (Mr. Banks) thought a discrimination fhould be made betwixt those Catholics in Ireland who had remained faithful and loyal, and thofe who have raised the standard of infurrection and rebellion against the legitimate government of the country, and he had fuggefted the mode by which he wifhed to make this difcrimination, by re-enacting the Popery Laws with regard to thofe who had been in the rebellion, whilft the loyal part fhould be introduced to the gradual enjoyment of the privileges of Proteftant fubjects. But if any thing could keep up heart burnings and add fuel to the flame, this plan would have fuch a tendency, by creating new fubjects for divifion and animofity. Men who, either from motives of prudence or hypocrify, had not given way to the impulfe of their own minds, by raifing their arms against government, or who were not fituated in places where the infurrections had taken place, would thereby be countenanced, whilft others who, by one rash act, had rushed into the rebellion, would be for ever excluded from the hopes of amelioration of their condition. What effect would this have but to create endless feuds, whilft the admiffion of the former fort of Catholics would not be confidered by the Protestants as conducing to their fafety. The Honourable Gentleman alfo feemed to think that the Parliament of Ireland was competent to remedy the evils under which that country groaned. If that had been the opinion of the House, the chairman would not have been fitting where he did, nor would the progrefs have been made which had been; the great object was to get rid of the hoftile mind, and to confolidate the views of both countries in such a manner, that it would be impoffible for Great Britain to pursue any measure which it would not be for the intereft of Ireland to adopt. The connexion, as it fubfifted at prefent, was not calculated to tranquilife this hoftile mind. Some grievances, it would be admitted, the Parliament of Ireland was competent to relieve; but no remedy, he would contend, was fo likely to remedy the evils complained of, as a legiflative Union between the two countries. The Honourable Gentleman had argued as if no inconvenience could arife from the two legislatures being feparate, upon any queftion of peace or war, because the whole prerogative, as to peace or war, was vefted, not in Parliament, but the King: but is it not well known that the functions of Parliament are fuch, that they may at any time defeat and embarrass the Government, if it thinks that the. Executive Power has engaged in an unjust war? This, at

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