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ftroy all their hopes. They were perfons who valued the independence of their Parliament, although there were some abufes which they thought should be rectified; they would fee that by the annihilation of their Parliament, all their hopes of reform would be destroyed. With regard to the Catholics, who were three fourths of the inhabitants of the country, it was clear they, of all defcriptons of perfons, would feel themselves in a fituation the most disagreeable by this measure. They confidered the elective franchise as a right which was their due, and looked forward to the time when they should no longer be confined to the obligation of electing a proteftant; but fuch muft fee, that the Union of the two Parliaments would defeat that object which they had long had in view, of a feat in the reprefentation of their country. They would lofe all they thought they had gained in the 1793. Therefore it did not appear to him in the leaft degree wonderful, that there was fo much oppofition to this measure in Ireland. There appeared to him, however, a great deal of danger in perfifting in this measure; and to enable the Houfe the better to look to probable events in future, he fhould call their attention to the past. He had read a political publication of confiderable authority -Dodfley's Annual Register-by which it appeared, "that in the year 1759 a number of perfons in Dublin having taken it into their heads that a Union between the two countries was to take place, committed great excefs. They broke into the Houfe of Lords-would have burnt the Journals of the Houfe, if they could have found them, and fat an old woman upon the Throne-they compelled the Members to fwear not to give a vote for the Union; they killed several horfes belonging to the Members of the Houfe, and a number of the Members themselves were near being killed." The inference he drew from these facts was this, that if in 1759, when Ireland had not her independent Parliament, nor any other advantage which fhe has now, and confequently would not have fo much to facrifice as fhe has now, the idea of a Union produced this terrible effect, what may not be expected to be the effect at this time? He need not remind the Houfe that at the time of the report to which he had alluded, the illuftrious parent of the prefent Minister was at the head of affairs. That great statesman had not thought of propofing fuch a measure against the fenfe of the people of Ireland; and fure he was, if he had brought it forward, and it had met with as much oppofition from Parlament as in the prefent inftance, he would not

have perfifted in it. He was therefore surprised to see this measure perfifted in, and surprised the more to find that it was propofed on the fame day in the English as in the Irish Houfe of Commons, for he was of opinion that if the meafure was fit to be tried at all, it should not have been brought on here, until it had been brought on and in fome measure examined in Ireland, inftead of doing what the Minister would allow him to call an imprudent act, of which the Minifter, he prefumed, had repented ere this, or, if that was improbable, of which many of his friends had repented long ago, as he was brought into a very unpleasant fituation, when he found that a measure on which he had pledged himself fo fully-on which he had fo emphatically declared that no trouble, no temporary lofs of popularity should induce him to defift from-and for the accomplishment of which he had faid he should be glad to facrifice the whole of his political life-was, after all, fo unpopular in Ireland that the Parliament there had declared they would not even examine the plan! Under thefe circumstances, he confeffed he was rather furprised to see the Right Honourable Gentleman perfift in the meafure. He took the liberty to fay the other night, he did not fee much good likely to arife from perfifting in this measure, because the Parliament of Ireland had already expreffed its determination not to enter even upon the difcuffion of the fubject. They had rejected the measure, therefore, in the most positive and determined mode in which any measure could be rejected; namely, by faying that the spirit of the thing was fuch, that they could not fo much as look at the particulars of it: however, he had heard it faid, "that whatever may be the ultimate opinion of the Irish Legiflature upon the measure of a Union, yet it was neceffary for the English Parliament to record its fense upon the subject, to prevent what malicious perfons might fay was its intention." Upon this he owned he did not fee reafon enough to proceed in this country merely for the fake of giving to the Minifters an opportunity of vindicating themfelves against any fuppofed malice, when the procedure was dangerous to the fafety of the Empire. He alfo at the fame time faid, that he had not made up his mind upon the general queftion of, how far it might be beneficial to the Empire; how far it might be advantageous or difadvantageous to the one country or the other, fuppofing both countries to agree to it? He had formed no opinion, he gave confequently no vote, upon that point: he attended the difcuffion of it, however, without blaming

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or feeling any inclination to blame, any body who did not attend; he had heard the difcuffions; his mind was now made up, at least on the expediency of pursuing the meafure at prefent: he thought it unwife; it would give to thofe who wished to feparate the two countries an opportunity of employing all their artifice to accomplish their defire. Such a measure, therefore, opening fuch a field for the increasing of discontent and jealoufy, ought not to be stirred a fingle moment, unless there was an evident neceffity for it. The first argument in favour of an Union was, that the late calamitous events in Ireland called loudly for the interpofition of this country, which it was faid could only be ef fectual by such a measure; that domestic treafon was spread throughout, and that difaffected and artful perfons were labouring to effect the feparation of the two countries, by working up the minds of the people to rebellion. He only would afk, had the Farliament of Ireland fhewn itself inadequate to the fuppreffion of thofe fcenes of rebellion which had taken place? He would afk, whether a Legiflature on the fpot was not more likely to discover and bring to pu nishment treasons and confpiracies, than a Legislature in a distant country? It had alfo been faid, that the Government of Ireland contained in itfelf the feeds of feparation; that the establishment of two diftinét legiflatures under one monarchy, could not but create difputes and jealousies. It was contended alfo, that the vicioufnefs of the Government in Ireland was of that nature that required much improvement; that the Government, being in the hands, and fpeaking the fenfe of the minority, the Proteftant afcendancy, the mafs of people must be difcontented; that a contest must take place between the minority and the majority on that account; all which he was ready to allow; but he did not fee how the Union with this country was likely to do away that evil.-Was it meant by a Union that the Proteftant afcendancy fhould not continue? If it was to continue, would the Catholics be the more contented, merely because the Legiflature was removed to a greater distance from them? The afcendancy of the few over the many would still continue in point of religion, that is to fay, the Proteftants would have an afcendancy over the many. The Union with Scotland had been quoted as an argument for the propriety of this Union, he should take the liberty of faying, that as far as religion was concerned, the Union with Scotland was likely to diffuade, rather than induce, the mafs of the people of Ireland to affent to it; for in Scot

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land the established religion was the religion of the majority of the people of Scotland. In Ireland the established religion was the religion of the minority. It would be still worse when the people of Ireland came to reflect upon the matter in this way; when they came to confider, that in the eftablishment of religion no regard is had to the truth of the doctrine, this they must feel, for if regard were had to the truth of the doctrine, there could not be two established religions in one ftate. In Scotland, by the Union the majority were allowed the established religion-In Ireland, he prefumed, the established religion would be that of the minority; and therefore all the evils which had been so well described to arife from religious, feuds, would not be removed by the Union, because the caufe of fuch feuds would ftill remain.

Another argument for the Union was, the inconvenience which might arife from having two independent Legiflatures under one monarchy; and the cafe of the regency was quoted as an inftance. He admitted the force of this point, but he did not think a Union was the way to cure the evil, or if it did, it would introduce a ftill greater evil; to prevent which, perhaps fome law might be enacted, and for this purpose we might find fomething to lead and inftruct us in the American States, and perhaps in the German Empire. One alarming objection which stood before him was, the great difference which would be made in the constitution of this country by the introduction of 100 Members into the British Houfe of Commons. Without wishing to impute any improper motives to them, it must be evident to every one that their defire to improve the fituation of their own country would compel them to act with any Minifter, whoever he might be: they could get nothing for their country by oppofing a Minifter; their only hope would be by joining his party. The Minifter might smile at this, and think he was invincible by his majority already without any fuch aid, but this would be an alarming increase to the influence of the Crown. There were now two checks on the conduct of Minifters; one which might take place on the part of Ireland, and another on the part of England; but the confequence of this measure would be, that one of thofe checks would be taken away by the lofs of the independence of the Irish Legiflature; and the other would be weakened by the introduction of one hundred Members into the British House of Commons. The balance of the conftitution would be deftroyed, and therefore as an Englishman, he could not but proteft against it; because it tended to destroy the fair balance of the English conftitution.

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There were objections also to this measure of a commercial kind. This measure, as it would increase the number of abfentees, would diminish the importation, and that, in its turn, would diminish the exportation; but it was faid, that all this would be balanced by the introduction of British capital. There would be no increase of British or any other capital, where the proprietor of it had no consciousness of fecurity; there was no fuch confciousness where there were religious feuds-fuch feuds would continue while the established religion was that of the religion of the minority. All thefe were evils for which, in his opinion, a Union was no remedy. But we were told, that the practical advantages of a Union were to be seen in the cafe of Scotland. That Scotland had indeed thriven fince the Union was most true, but he had not yet heard it proved in that House, nor conclufively argued any where, that the fuccefs of Scotland was owing to the Union. Doctor Adam Smith alledged no fuch thing, he affigned other causes for the improvement of Scotland; among which, the establishment of a Bank he alledged to have had great effect both upon the commerce and the agriculture of that country. Befides, Ireland itfelf had thriven of late years, and why fhould it give up what enabled it to do well, upon the precarious chance of doing better, but which, perhaps, might deftroy it altogether in commerce as well as in constitution. Gentlemen had faid, that Ireland would not lofe its independence; but for what object, he would afk, were the commillioners for the two countries to treat, but that the one might gain, and the other lofe its legislature? and thus the independence of Ireland would be loft by their coming into this bargain; and fure he was, that were a propofal of the fame nature to be made to the Members of that House, that they would all rife up to a man, and fay, "No; wc will never refign the independence of our legislature for any commercial advantages whatever." It was not furprising, therefore, if the Irish Members fpake in like manner. He referred to the compact between this country and Ireland in 1782, by which the independence of the Irish legislature was fecured; and observed, that the refolution paffed fublequent to it, could never be confidered in the point of view in which those who fupported the Union had placed it. It could never be fuppofed, the Parliament of Ireland would have committed fuch a kind of felo de fe, as to have paffed a refolution inconfiftent with the compact which eftablished its independence.

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