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CHA P. XII.

Union with Ireland.—Message from his Majesty, relative to that Śubject.Refolutions preparatory to an Union. Debates thereon, in both Houses of Parliament. Conferrences between the Lords and Commons.―Joint Addrefs, from both Houses, to his Majesty.-New Arrangements respecting the Militia Volunteer, and Provifional Cavalry.-Slave-Trade.

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N proportion as the enemies of our country laboured to effect an entire feparation between Great Britain and Ireland, the British go-, vernment became anxious to draw them clofer and clofer together, by uniting them not only under the fame crown, but the fame legiflature.

Ireland had, for many centuries, formed one dominion with England: and, allowing to this country a fuperiority in the nomination of her king,, fhe claimed and enjoyed, in every other relpect, an equality of rights with Englishmen. As the rights of fubjects in both kingdoms were the fame, the king's prerogafives were alfo the fame. The king had his courts of wards in Ireland as well as England: and, at his command, the poffeffors of landed property, in both kingdoms, then military tenants of the crown, were bound to take arms in the national defence. This martial fyftem, corrupted in all its branches, through the lapfe of time, and retaining fcarcely any thing but the name, was finally fwept away by the act, in the twelfth of Charles II. for the abolition of tenures.

Among the king's ancient prerogatives, the right of regulating com

merce appears to have been one, and of impofing duties on merchandize, exclufively, jure Corona: but this, like the other feudal rights inherent in the crown, gradually fuffered alteration. The parliament gradually interfered in that power: and, one precedent of their interference jufiifying another, they at length wrefted from Charles I. his confent to an act which placed that right in the fupreme legiflature.

What the English parliaments were doing in England, the Irish parliaments imitated in Ireland; and thus, unobfervedly, a wall of feparation was raised between the two kingdoms, to the prejudice of both. Commercial concerns, which, in the beginning, were directed by a law of uniformity, came thus to be directed by a law of diverfity. As different interefts, and different views, predominated in the parliament of each kingdom, different commercial regulations followed of courfe, and the oppofite flores of the Irish channel became, by degrees, mutually inimical. Thefe different interefts, and different views, were fortified in each kingdom by the predilection of drawing a public revenue from port-duties: and un this principle, together with

that

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that of the unity of dominion, the
English parliament thought itfelf en
titled to controul the commercial pro-
ceedings of the Irish parliment, as far
as, in their judgement, it prejudiced,
or might prejudice, the revenue of
England, which was the chief fup-
port of government! The Irish,
acquiefcing in this legiflation, gave
themfelves a kind of indemnifica-
tion, by with-holding their proper
proportion of the public fupplics.
Ufages, long acquiefced in, form
a conftitution as well as written
ftipulations; examples of which we
have in the prerogatives claimed
by each houfe of parliament, which,
though no where, written,
generally understood and acknow-
ledged. Accordingly, for want of
a more regular and more defined
fyftem of connection between the
two islands, fince the abolition of
feudal tenures, this undefined fu-
premacy of the English parliament,
over Ireland, was regarded as the
fole remaining anchor that held
Great Britain and Ireland together;
as the only principle that made them
one in political power and domi-
nion. However imperfect, how-
ever impolitie, this fyftem was, it
was nevertheless confidered in both
nations as a conftitution, by which,
in many inftances, for many years,
the parliaments and the tribunals of
Ireland were conducted. From this
conftitution innumerable evils cer-
tainly flowed, both to Great Britain
and Ireland. But many more grie-
vances having been attributed to it
than could actually be laid to its
charge, it became doubly odious,
and at length, fharing the fate of the
feudal tenures, was in May, 1782,
abolished. When the Irish confti-
tution was thus defolved, the people
pf Great Britain and Ireland ex-

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preffed a wifh, almoft unanimous, that the two iflands might still continue to be connected by fuch political principles as fhould make their interefts, their conftitutional privileges, and their power one, in a more complete manner than they had ever been before. The motion, which paffed into a law, for the abo lition of the old conftitution, was followed by another motion, declaring the abfolute neceffity of forming a new conftitution.

The formation of this new conftitution, though acknowledged by both houfes of parliament to be of indifpenfable neceffity, was neverthele's put off, by what has been called the coalition miniftry, fine die. Yet, lord North, on the occafion of propofing, in 1783, a new act relative to the postage of letters, acknowledged it to " be very certain that Great Britain and Ireland had become to each other, in point of political power, as foreign nations." The relative fituation of the two islands was thus both new and alarming. The two countries were liable to be feparated by a thousand accidents, which no human forefight or wifdom could prevent.

The three great, objects to he accomplished, for the formation of a conftitutional connection between two nations are an equality of interefts, an equality of privileges, and a unity of power. The two first of thefe objects were already in a great meafure provided for, and very little remained indeed that could be urged by any peaceable and well-difpofed Irifhmen, as a fubject of complaint against the British government. But the unity of power, or 'unity of defence be tween Great Britain and Ireland, remained

remained unfettled in 1799; when of the two countries fought to cherish. The parliament of Ireland was an independent parliament.— There

on the twenty-fecond of January, a meffage on that fubject was received from his majefty by both houfes of parliament. His majefty, after adverting to the unremitting induftry with which our enemies perfevered in their avowed defign of effecting the feparation of Ireland from this kingkingdom, recommended it to the lords and commons to confider of the most effectual means of finally defeating that defign, by difpofing the parliaments of both kingdoms to provide, in the manner which they fhould judge the moft expedient, for fettling fuch a complete and final adjustment, as might beft tend to improve and perpetuate a connection effential for their common fecurity, and confolidate the ftrength, power, and refources, of the British empire on the following day, when this meffage was taken into confideration, Mr. fecretary Dundas, having laid on the table feveral papers relative to the proceedings of certain focieties in Ireland, and the rebellion in that country, moved an addrefs to his majefty, the fubftance of which was, That the houfe would proceed with all due difpatch to the confideration of the feveral interefts, recommended in his majefty'sgracious meffage, to their ferious attention."

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Mr. Sheridan said, that before ministers recommended to the houfe of commons to take measures that led inevitably to the difcuffion of fome plan of union, it was incumbent on them to have fhewn, that the laft pledge of the Englith parliament, to the people of Ireland, by which their independence was recognized, and their rights acknowledged, had not produced that unanimity, which the parliaments

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was no power whatever competent to make laws for that country. He was perfuaded that fuch of his countrymen as really loved national liberty, and who recollected that aufpicious period when independence came upon them, as it were by furprize, when the genius of freedom refted on their ifland, the whole of the Irish, in fhort, would come to this fecond adjustment, with a temper that would not augur tranquillity, but difquietude; not the fuppreffion of treafon, but the extenfion and increafe of plots, to multiply and enfanguine its horrors! He admitted that there was fomething informal in this way of treating the question immediately before the houfe. But his dear country, Ireland, had claims upon him, which he was not more proud to acknowledge than ready, to the full measure of his ability, to liquidate. He could fee the poffible danger of adding to the ditcontents of the people of Ireland. But these dangers were to be apprehended only as innovations and encroachments on the rights of the Irish people, as forming an inde pendent nation. He did not know how to admit, that to reject the measure of an union were to invite the feparation of the two countries by a French force. His opi nion was directly the reverie of this. Situated as Ireland was, without having in one inftance manifested a with to unite, but, on the contrary, having unequivocally declared herfelf hoftile to the propofition of an union; he thought that, if it fhould be effected, it would be an union accomplished by furprize, fraud, corruption,

own, it must be the effect of their government. First remove the causes of their mifery, and then invite them, if you will, to a closer union. Mr. Arthur Young has attributed the evils that afflict the poor of Ireland to the progrefs of French principles. But I am quite convinced the milery of that unfortunate clafs has had its origin, and continues to increafe with the exactions and impofts of their overgrown landlords. He concluded with moving the following amend

corruption, and intimidation, and which muft place the people of Ireland in a worfe condition than they were in before. Having establified, as he trufted, two propofitions, firft, that the measure propofed was decidedly an infraction and violation of the acknowledged inde pendence of Irish legiflation; and, fecondly, that union could not prevent the feparation of this country by France, Mr. Sheridan offered to the confideration of the house a third propofition, namely, that it was not poffible, in the present statement: "At the fame time to exprefs of Ireland, that people could declare and act upon their genuine jentiments. Was it poffible that the free, fair, and unbiaffed fenfe of the people of Ireland could be collected, at the prefent time, on that question? The English force in Ireland was, at once, an aufwer to that question. What would be faid if France acted in a fimilar manner, not to a country neutral or merely in alliance with her, but to a country dear to her on every account, and whofe fons were fighting her battles in every quarter of the globe? would it not be faid, that it was the greateft perfidy The king of Sardinia gave his confent that the French fhould take poffeffion of Piedmont: but it was the effect of force. He heard much of French principles, but he wished that gentlemen would not fo clofely follow French practices. With reprehenfions of the confequences of fpect to the enemies of the British government, it had two enemies in Ireland," poverty and ignorance," and unless it could be fhewn, that the prefent measure could remove thefe, he could not agree to the measure. If, faid Mr. Sheridan, the people of Ireland be active and induftrious in every country but their

the furprize, and deep regret, with which this houfe now, for the first time, learns from his majesty, that the final adjustment, which, upon his majesty's gracious recommendation, took place between the two kingdoms in 1782, and which, by the declaration of the parliaments of both countries, placed the connection between them on a folid and permanent bafis, has not produced the effects expected from that folemn fettlement; and farther, humbly to exprefs to his majefty, that his majefty's faithful commons having ftrong reafon to believe that it is in the contemplation of his majefty's minifters to propofe an union of the legislatures of the two kingdoms, notwithstanding the faid final and folemn adjustment, feel it to be their bounden duty, imprelled as they are with the moft ferious ap

fuch a proceeding at this time, to take the earliest opportunity humbly to implore his majesty not to liften to the counfel of thofe who fhall ad vife or promote fuch a meature at the prefent crifis, and under the prefent circumftances of the empire."

Mr. Canning admitted, that in the refolutions, entered upon the

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journals of the house in 1782, the words final adjustment were made ufe of: but the refolutions, to which Mr. Sheridan referred, were immediately followed by another refolution, evidently of a profpective nature, which declared the neceffity of eftablifhing fome more permanent fyftem, by which alone the tranquillity and importance of Ireland could remain uninterrupted, and continue to be improved. With regard to the pofture of affairs in Ireland, he faid, it was notorious that a rebellion had exifted in that country. This, though checked, was not perhaps, effectually quelled. The object of the traitorous machinations, which gave rise to that rebellion, was not any partial change of men or measures, but a total fubverfion of the exifting go vernment and conftitution of the country, and the complete deftruction of all connection between the fifter kingdom and Great Britain.Mr. Canning arged the expediency of an union, from the authority of a doctor Dugghenon, who had fhewn in a publication, intituled "An Anfwer to Mr. Grattan," either that the plan of union must be adopted, or that fome other must be devised for the fortification of the proteftant afcendency. As to the intimidation which, it had been alleged, would be impreffed on the public mind in Ireland, and the reftraint which it would impofe on the freewill and voice of the nation, on the fubject of the union: when once the union fhould be effected, the neceffity of keeping up a large army there would be removed; and thus the union would, in fact, remove one of the objects of Mr. Sheridan's own cenfure and complaints. But where did that inti

midation appear? both the liberty of speech, and the liberty of the prefs had been pretty freely indulged on the prefent fubject. Was it the parliament of Ireland that English foldiers were to coerce and reftrain? a parliament fully armed with every conftitutional power to control that or any other army? In recommendation of an union with Ireland, Mr. Canning said, that it would fatisfy the friends of the proteftant afcendancy, without paffing laws against the catholics, and without maintaining thofe which were yet in force. Mr. Canning, in the courfe of his fpeech, expatiated on

the influence of the French revolution. As to what had fallen from Mr. Sheridan refpecting the incorporations made by France, for the farther aggradizement of her already gigantic dominions, in what poffible point of view could fuch a comparifon be inflituted between the conduct of France and Britain? did France attempt to incorporate other countries for the purpofe of extending their common commercial interefts? Had the French been the authors, not of contributions and confifcations, but of means of wealth and profperity to the conquered countries? and had they only required of them to bear a common fhare, on common terms, for the defence and advancement of a common caufe? did the countries, which they endeavoured to incorporate, refemble France in conftitution and law? and in other points which he specified.

Mr. Jones was of opinion, that the measure now fuggefted, inftead of crushing the rebellion, would have the oppofite tendency. It ap peared to him to have all the cha racteristic marks of French frater

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