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kingdoms, fhall remain to be regulated from time to time by the united parliament.

"Seventh, That, for the like purpofe, it would be fit to propose, that the charge, arifing from the payment of the intereft or finking fund, for the reduction of the principal of the debt incurred in either kingdom before the union, fhall continue to be feparately defrayed by Great Britain and Ireland refpectively. That, for a number of years to be limited, the future ordinary expenfes of the united kingdom, in peace or war, fhall be defrayed by Great Britain and Ireland jointly, according to fuch proportions as fhall be eftabfifhed by the refpective parliaments previous to the union; and that, after the expiration of the time to be fo limited, the proportions fhall not be liable to be varied, ex'cept according to fuch rates and principles as fhall be in like manner agreed upon, previous to the union.

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Eighth, That, for the like purpofe, it would be fit to propofe, that all laws in force at the time of the union, and that all the courts of civil or ecclefiaftical jurisdiction, within the refpective kingdoms, fhall remain, as now by law eftablifhed, within the fame, fubject only to fuch alterations or regulations, from time to time, as circumftances nay appear to the parliament of the united kingdom to require.

"That the foregoing refolutions be laid before his majefty, with a humble addrefs, affuring his majefty that we have proceeded with the utmost attention to the confideration of the important objects recommended to us in his majesty's gracious message:

"That we entertain a firm perfuafion, that a complete and entire

union between Great Britain and Ireland, founded on equal and liberal principles, on the fimilarity of laws, conftitution, and government, and on a fenfe of mutual interests and affections, by promoting the fecurity, wealth, and commerce of the refpective kingdoms, and by allaying the distractions which have unhappily prevailed in Ireland, must afford fresh means of oppofing at all times an effectual refiftance to the deftructive projects of our foreign and domeftic enemies, and muft tend to confirm and augment the ftability, power, and refources, of the empire.

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Impreffed with thefe confidera tions, we feel it our duty humbly to lay before his majesty fuch propofitions as appear to us beft calcu lated to form the basis of fuch a settlement, leaving it to his majesty's wifdom, at fuch time and in fuch manner as his majefty, in his pa rental folicitude, for the happiness of his people, fhall judge fit, to communicate thefe propofitions to his parliament of Ireland, with whơm we fhall be at all times ready to concur in all fuch meafures as may be found moft conducive to the accomplishment of this great and falutary work. And we truft, that, after full and mature confideration, fuch a fettlement may be framed and established, by the deliberative confent of the parliaments of both kingdoms, as may be conformable to the fentiments, wishes, and real interests of his majefty's faithful fubjects of Great Britain and Ireland, and may unite them infeparably in the full enjoyment of the bleffings of our free and invaluable conftitution, in the fupport of the honour and dignity of his majefty's crown, and in the prefervation and advancement

of the welfare and profperity of the whole British empire."

Mr. Sheridan, in a fpeech of confiderable length, in reply to Mr. Pitt, went over the fame ground on which he had expatiated formerly on the measure, when it was first announced to parliament. This fpeech he prefaced by many compliments to Mr. Pitt, as an orator, and remarks on the power of eloquence, at the prefent period. The whole world, he faid, knew that there was never a time when fime fpeeches more powerfully affected the public, or when from fancied fecurity, or habitual indifference, it appeared lefs eager profoundly to examine any queftion. Eafy tempers were eafily influenced by bold and ingenious fophiftry. It was not every one who could diftinguish between the flowing and rapid elocution of an admired orator, and the fteady and well-tempered voice of unaffected reason.* Seeing the manner in which the prefent fubject was brought forward, and its fate in the Irish parliament, it might have been doubted whether the right honourable gentleman would perfevere in the measure: but he continued to fet all experience at defiance, and, in the face of the Irish nation, to fpurn the affertion of her rights, to fawn and flatter her guilelefs and pure mind, and, by feeming to respect her declared opinion, to lull her into inactivity, the more fuccefsfully to enflave her for ever. Let his majefty's minifters, he faid, grant to Ireland thofe advantages of which they boafted: they might be conceded to her without union:

they might be improved by her · without abjectly furrendering her independence. Mr. Sheridan vindicated Mr. Fox from the accufation of not having followed up the refolution of 1782. He remained but two months after in office. But did Mr. Pitt himself, when he fucceeded him in power, attempt to bring forward the objections which he this night fo triumphantly urged? Had he not now been fifteen years a minifter without ever endeavouring to do that, which from the firft he deemed to be indifpenfably neceflary? It was not Mr. Sheridan's intention to oppofe going into a committee, but he would first move two refolutions, which, in cafe of Mr. Pitt's propofitions being carried, he would wish to have placed before them, for the purpose of taking off, in fome degree, that jealoufy which the Irish parliament would be apt to entertain of their paffing this houfe, after the measure of an union having been fo decidedly rejected in the houfe of commons of Ireland. Mr. Sheridan then read the following refolutions: "That no measures can have a tendency to improve and perpetuate the ties of amity and connection, now exifting between Great Britain and Ireland, which have not for their bafis the manifeft, fair, and free confent and approbation of the parliaments of the two countries.

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"That whoever fhall endeavour to obtain the appearance of fuch confent and approbation in either country, by employing the influence of government, for the purposes of corruption or intimidation, is an

* We have, on a former occafion, ventured to predict, that the abufe of oratory, which has, on fome occafions, been carried the length of continuing a fpeech for several fucceffive days, would, by and by, put long and flowery fpeeches out of fashion.

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enemy to his majesty and the conftitution."

Lord Hawkesbury remarked certain inconfiftencies in the parliamentary conduct of Mr. Sheridan; but, as these, though fufficiently authenticated, could not be urged with propriety against his prefent propofitions, and as our limits confine us very much to points of importance, we forbear to enter into any details on that fubject. Mr. Sheridan, lord Hawkesbury observed, had fome what more than infinuated, that the people of Ireland were against an union. The people of Cork, and the people of Limmerick, had exprefed themselves in favour of it: and when it once came to be duly confidered, the whole people would view it in the fame light. His lordship, by the fame arguments that had been uted by Mr. Pitt, juftified the vote he should give for the prefent propofitions being fubmitted to a committee of the whole houfe, by way of recording what they were willing to do for promoting the interefts of Ireland.

Dr. Lawrence confidered the pro→ pofed union in the light of a marriage: which was a matter of that delicate nature, that if the parties contracting it were not agreeable, to each other, the clofer they were drawn together by the bond, the farther, in fact, they were put afunder as to every beneficial and happy effect which might be expected to refult from fo tender and intimate a connection. As the number of members propofed to be introduced from Ireland was really very great, he could not help thinking that it might produce a very confiderable degree of embarrassment in the bufinefs and debates of the houfe. How, indeed, they were to difpofe

of them, he was at a lofs to guess. The last debate in Ireland, on the prefent queftion, had lafted for twenty-two hours. If a majority of the Irish members fhould bring over their inclination for public fpeaking, and their fpeeches came to be added to thofe of their countrymen and others who were in the habits of making frequent and long fpeeches already, he could not avoid forefeeing many embarrassments which would neceffarily attend fo very confiderable an addition to the numbers already poffeffed of feats in that houfe. He dreaded that, in the prefent feeming temper of Ireland, the propofitions would add inflammation to a difpofition already teeming with far too much irritability. On a divifion of the house, there appeared for the fpeakers leaving the chair, ayes, 140; noes, 15. The refolutions having been read in the committee, the house was refumed, and the committee was appointed to fit again on Thursday next.

On that day, the feventh of February, Mr. Sheridan, obferved, in the committee, that, according to the rules and ordinary proceedings of the house, Mr. Pitt could, undoubtedly, claim the privilege of moving the order of the day before he (Mr. Sheridan) could attempt to move the refolutions, of which he had thrown out an idea and an intention of moving them, on a former occafion. If, therefore, that motion was infifted on, he muft postpone his motion for the prefent. Mr. Pitt waved his privilege, and gave precedence to Mr. Sheridan, who promised to the houfe to take up as little time as poffible now; and only to urge a few of the many reafons which might be advanced in

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fupport of the refolutions he intended to move. The question now before the house was, whether they were willing to fecond the pledge of devoting his life to this favourite project. That pledge would produce much irritation, and inflame all those discontents, which had already occafioned fo much mifery in Ireland. If the houfe fanctioned the prefent project, the two houfes of commons of Great Britain and Ireland would be placed in oppofition to each other, and the fituation of these nations would be more alarming and frightful than that in which any two countries profeffing amity to each other. If Mr. Pitt did not fucceed in his measure, on the prefent occafion, the people of Ireland would be convinced that he only waited for a more favourable opportunity, when Ireland fhould be more weak, to carry his favourite project, and that the engines he intended to use were intimidation and corruption. There was much to be done in the way of reform and improvement in Ireland: but, in order to do this, it was not neceffary to pull down the credit and authority of parliament. He denied what had been fo pofitively afferted, that we had no alternative but feparation or union. The real alternative was, the Irish government fhould no longer continue to be a corrupt English job. Was it meant to be afferted that there is fome innate depravity in the character of Irishmen which rendered them unfit to have a parliament of their own? No! the caufe of the corruption that had been complained of lay not in the character of the worthy people of Ireland. But the govern

ment of Ireland had been made a job of, for the advantage of Englifh

minifters. This was the corruption, this the will that had pervaded it from firft to last. But, before Ireland fhould be required to furrender her independence, it was fit that a trial fhould be made of what could be done by an honeft parliament: a parliament uninfluenced by a Britifh minifter, having the intereft and happiness of Ireland for its object, and looking to Irish profperity and gratitude for its reward. Mr. Sheridan having moved the two refolutions, already specified,

Mr. Pitt obferved that his only difcuffion had been upon general principles not now before the house, and already amply debated and decided upon. As to his particular motions, the firft, as Mr. Sheridan himself had stated, was a truifm. But that argument, which the honourable gentleman had adduced in favour of his motion, was a decifive argument againft it. If a thing was true, there required no declaration to give it effect, and all fuch attempts were ufelefs and nugatory. With regard to his fecond motion, "that whoever should, by corruption or intimidation, attempt to carry the question, was an enemy to his country," it evidently infinuated that fuch a conduct had been purfued. It undoubtedly alluded to the cafe of a high officer in the fifter kingdom (fir John Parnel, late chancellor of the exchequer in Ireland) who had quitted his fituation on account of his difagreement with his colleagues in an important fundamental meafure of government. If many gentlemen were connected together with the honourable intention of acting for the fervice of their country, it was neceflary, in order to preferve a unity of action, that they fhould agree in their fyftem; and it [P4]

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was an error to fuppofe that either the refignment, or even the difmiflal of any one, was a fyftem of corruption. Mr. Grey admitted that a difference of opinion, among perfons acting together on fundamental points of policy, muft arreft the progrefs of public bufinefs: yet this principle did not justify the difmiffal of a member of parliament from an office in the state, on account of his vote on a particular queftion, while he agreed, perhaps, with his col leagues in all other points. Was Mr. Pitt's doctrine, refpecting dif miffals from office, now maintained, the uniform and unvaried opinion which ruled his public conduct? Was there not a time, when a queftion, as important as the union with Ireland, and as effential in the opinion of the right honourable gen tleman at that time, to the interefts and well-being of good government, he meant parliamentary reform, which he brought forward, and which, he folemnly promised to exert all his influence, as a man and a minifter, ultimately to bring into effect? Where, then, are his fair and honourable intentions? Has he manifefted them in the removal of those who oppofed that meafure? or of thofe who oppofed another meafure, to which he had profeffed himfelf to be a warm friend, the aboJition of the flave-trade? Mr. She ridan admitted that his first refolution was a truifm. But was it not allo true that the parliament of Ireland could not give a free and fair confent when he held out, that thofe who voted against the measure would be turned out of their places? There were, in the Irifn houfe of commons, one hundred and fixteen placemen. Two great examples being made, in the difmiffal of the

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chancellor of the exchequer, and the prime ferjeant, the others would remain flaunch and true out of fear. Mr. Sheridan faid that he fhould certainly divide the houfe on the queftion before them. But the previous queftion, moved by Mr. Pitt, was carried by 141 against 25. motion for the fpeaker's now leaving the chair, and for the house going immediately into a committee, for the farther confideration of the king's mellage, was oppofed by Mr. H. A. St. John. Many comparisons, he obferved had been made, be tween the probable effect of this, and the certain effect of another union, he meant the union with Scotland. The union between England and Scotland, it was stated, had produced mutual ftrength. But it did not appear, nor had any body attempted to fhew that Scotland might not have improved, if the union had not taken place.

But this was a point he was not called on to difcufs. The question before the houfe was fimply this, whether, in the prefent fituation of affairs, the houfe of commons, in Ireland, having declared its fenfe againft confidering the measure at all, any good could refult from the agitation of it at this moment, in this country. To do this, in his opinion, might irritate the house of commons of Ireland, and induce them to adopt fome measure for manifefting their refentment at fuch a measure as this. It would be better to let the whole queftion fo reft for the prefent calmly, and, the parties being left to cool on the fubject, and to bring it forward hereafter, if it should appear to be necessary at a proper feafon.

Mr. Grey, in the courfe of a fpeech on this fubject, in which he confidered

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