thereon no fmall part of his prefent arguments. Had the adjustment in 1782 not taken place, it might have been faid that the Irish parliament could not now treat fairly. But its prefent independence gave it the fame competency to treat that was poffeffed by the parliament of Great Britain.

In various periods of our hiftory attempts had been made to effect an union between England and Scotland, and till the beginning of the eighteen century, as often fruftrated. Henry VIII: offered his daughter Mary to James V. of Scotland, holding out fuch inducements as the Scottish king was inclined to listen to. But the plan was defeated by the intrigues of the French and the popish faction. Edward VI. of England, in purfuance of his father's defign, offered himfelf to Mary, queen of Scotland: and, though it was agreed to by the parliament of that country, the interference of the fame faction rendered this treaty as fruitlefs as the former. Though, in the reign of James I. of England, articles of union were agreed to by commiffioners of both countries, affembled at Westminster, and ratified conditionally by the Scottish parliament, yet the jealoufy of the high churchmen, at that time, caufed them to be rejected in England. The plan of an union was again brought for ward in the reign of Charles I. but ended in fome unavailing conferences amongst the commiffioners appointed to manage it. In the reign of William and Mary, the propofition for an union came from the Scottish convention; and, on a recommendation from the crown, the English houfe of peers paffed a bill for appointing commiffioners to treating of an union of the two

kingdoms; which bill was thrown out by the commons. Thus the matter refted till the reign of queen Anne, at whofe acceffion the project of an union alfo failed through the high church influence. But fome reverfes in the progrefs of the confederate war, and fome events, which took place in Scotland, made England take the alarm, and be as anxious for the accomplishment of the union, as it was before forward in rejecting it. Now, Mr. Dundas, having glanced over the hiftory of the attempts for an union between the two British kingdoms, wished it to be recollected, that when propofitions to that effect failed in Scotland, it always happened through French influence and French intrigue. What was then the fituation of Scotland, had now become, by various accidents, that of Ireland. France laboured, by every means, to form a connection in that country, and had in a great measure fucceeded, as recent and unfortunate events teftified. union was propofed by Great Britain, as the fureft way to put an end to that dangerous confpiracy, by a confolidation of the whole powers of the empire. If fuch a plan had been difcuffed and confirmed by the parliaments of both countries, in 1782, it was more than probable that we fhould not now have had to lament the acts of outrage and rebellion which had fo recently convulfed and defpoiled the fifter kingdom. It was the lamentable deficiency of fuch a principle of union, in the compact of 1782, that gave rife to the most dangerous paffions and animofities. It, in fact, prefented Ireland with more refentments to fatiate, and lefs authority to control them. While then the houfe deplored the late abominable

An

excelles,

exceffes, it was their duty to prevent the return of the fanguinary fcenes, by an union of national intereft, likely to reconcile and command the affections of the people. From every confideration, Mr. Dundas was induced to vote for the fpeaker's leaving the chair.

Mr. Sheridan contended that the French had never built their hopes, in the fmallest degree, on the feparation of the two legislatures of Great Britain and Ireland, as had been inferred by Mr. Dundas; but, on the contrary, had all along refted their hopes on the defires and difcontents of the great body of the people; which the prefent refolutions, pufhed forward at the prefent time, could only ferve to heighten. With regard to the great point, the competency or incompetency of the Irish parliament to difcufs and decide on the matter in queftion, he faid, there was a fovereignty in abeyance in the people. If there was not, the prefent family on the throne were ufurpers. The practice of the revolution clearly fhewed the force of this argument. When king James II. abdicated the crown, the parliament did not proceed to do any act itself for fettling the crown, but exprefsly called a convention, which the lord mayor of London, and fifty commoners, were invited to attend. All the members who had fat in the parliaments of Charles II. were alfo fummoned; and every step that could be taken, in the preffing exigency of affairs, was actually taken, to fhew, that the appointment to the crown was in the people, and in them only.

Mr. Windham faid, that Mr. Sheridan had all along proceeded on a mifiake, and appeared to imagine that union was fought for the advantage of England and hot of

Ireland. He did not know what England had to wifh from fuch a connection, for the commanded already all the cominèrce of the world, and amply poffeffed the means of defence. As to the measure pro posed being an innovation, Ireland was in a state politically to require amelioration; it was right that fomething fhould be done to correct whatever was vicious in her fyftem. He maintained that the diforders of Ireland grew out of the Irish conftitution, established near a century and a half. The government was fituated, as it were, in a garrisoned town. Government regarded the people with jealoufy, and the people, in their turn, regarded government as an ufurpation, or worfe.But the feeds of the mifchief were in the conftitution itfelf; which contained not one principle by which the ignorance of the people could be removed, or their ferocity fuppreffed. The proximate or im mediate evil, however, was French principles. This evil had withered the aged, vitiated the youthful, polluted the fources of thought, and given to the whole fyftem of man. ners and morals a malignity of charafter, a groffness and laxity, which had rendered the obligations be tween men little elfe than nugatory. The cure of the diforders, with which Ireland was convulfed, could be found only in the improvement of the manners of the lower orders of the people, by the introduction of British cuftoms and British commerce, which, in his opinion, an union bid fairer to do than any other means that could poffibly be devifed. He would not now dif cufs the point which Mr. Sheridan had agitated towards the clofe of his fpeech. He thought it enough to fay, that the people had

no

no political right to change the government, or to refift it: whatever might be the moral right that a people might be allowed fpeculatively to poffefs. The right of refiftance was not a right acknowledged by, or known to, the British conftitution.

Mr. Tierney did not think that the measure propofed would prevent the attempts of the enemy, because it was now feen that its effects would be to create ftill greater divifions than exift even at prefent in Ireland. It had been laid that there are many inftances in which the compitence of parliament had been tried, and the case of the Scottish union had been alluded to. Parliament could do every thing but deftroy themselves, and in the cafe of the Scottish union, the parliament did not deftroy themfelves. This Mr. Tierney thought was a very obvious diftinction.

Mr. W. Grant divided the arguments against the propofed union, into three heads: 1. That the prefent was not the proper time, becaufe the free affent of the people of Ireland could not be obtained to the measure. 2. That the project of the union was not only nugatory now, but would be fo at all times. And, 3. That after what had paffed in Ireland, its difcuffion was unneceflary and improper. Mr. Grant argued against all thefe pofitions with his ufual ingenioufnefs and precifion. As to the grand queftion of the competency of the Irif parliament to decide fuch a question. It was in fact but a treaty between two independent parliaments, who had a power to do whatever the conftitution had not forbidden. The competency of the parliaments was not more a queftion than the competency of their elec

fors to whom in fairness the quef tion must first be referred. From the electors it must go to the people at large, who must be affembled in convention on Salisbury Plain and the Curragh of Kildare. But even when there affembled, every individual vote muft there be collected, and a majority must decide the quef tion, Gentlemen would fee to what ridiculous lengths their theoretical dogma muft be carried, and he muft think that they faw its fallacy. He concluded with giving his hearty fupport to the motion.The houfe then divided, for the fpeaker's leaving the chair, 149; against it 24. The house then went into a committee pro forma: but, as it was a late hour the committee on the union reported progress and afked leave to fit again on the fourteenth of February. The order of the day, for farther confideration of his majesty's meflage, relative to the union with Ireland, being read, and motion made, that the fpeaker leave the chair, a debate enfued, in which a part was taken by Mr. Hobhouse, Mr. J. Jones, Mr. Wilberforce Bird, and one or two other members against the union, and by Mr. Peele, lord Belgrave, lord Temple, lord Morpeth, Mr. Rider, Mr. Hawkins Brown, and Mr. Sylvefter Douglas, for it. Mr. Hobhoufe contended with great energy against the union,as tending to take away former checks on the conduct of minifters, and to furnish them with new means of corruption.

General Fitzpatrick faid, that the union of Ireland with Great Britain was a conftitutional point, and therefore fo far inconfiftent with the fettlement of 1782. For fifteen years following the refolutions there had no doubt been entertained upon the independence of the Irish legislature,

legiflature, in a conftitutional point of view. With refpect to the terms of the propofed union, he did not mean to fay any thing, because he looked on the whole bufinefs to be a flagrant breach of faith.

Mr. Ryder faid, there could be no doubt but that the fettlement of 1782 was not confidered as final by the parliament of 1783, who paffed an act for completing what was left imperfect in the only point which was then not fettled. Still lefs could it have been the opinion of the parliament of 1785, who adopt ed the commercial propofitions, involving not only the regulations of trade, but the most important quef tions of navigation and revenue.

Mr. Pitt afked the right honourable general whether he could maintain that any recognition of the independence of the Irish parliament in 1782, made Ireland more incapable of treating of the question of union, or of any other grand political confideration, than any other country whatever? The power affumed by the English over the Irish parliament being laid afide, by the repeal of what was called the declaratory-act, paffed in the reign of Geo. I. An addrefs was carried to his majefty, praying him to take fuch farther measures as might appear to him to be proper, for ftrengthening the connection between the two countries. His majefty's most gracious answer was, that he would take mealures for that purpose. With this view the duke of Portland was fent to Ireland, with the right honourable general as his fecretary. Mr. Pitt wifhed to ask the general whether there were not inftructions given to the duke for the accomplishment of VOL. XLI.

General Fitzpatrick faid, that though he certainly had accefs to the official dispatches to the duke of Portland, when lord-lieutenant of Ireland, it could not be supposed that, after a period of fixteeen years, he could fpeak with accuracy to their contents. But this he could affert, that the object, which the duke of Portland, at that period, actually had in view, as far as he was acquainted with them, did not relate to any imperial constitutional points. Mr. Dundas wifhed to afk the general whether, at a period fubfequent to the addrefs alluded to, when a refolution was taken to prorogue the Irish parliament, that measure had not been delayed, in confequence of the duke of Portland's faying that he entertained fome hope of being able to obtain a fettlement of thofe points, which the independence of Ireland made it neceflary to arrange? General Fitzpatrick had no recollection of the circumstance. Mr. Sheridan contended that the houfe had recognized Ireland to be independent by an act as folemn as the bill of rights. He concluded a speech, in which he repeated his former arguments, placing them however in fome new points of view, by urging the danger of agitating the prefent queftion [Q]

at

at the prefent time.-On a divifion of the house, there appeared for the fpeaker's leaving the chair, 131 against it, 19. The house then refolved itself into a committee pro forma, and asked leave to fit again the next day,

February 12: When the order of the day being read, for the houfe going into a committee on his majefly's meflage, refpecting the union with Ireland, the fpeaker left the chair, and the house went into a committee on that fubject. The report of the committee was brought up on the fourteenth of February, when all the refolutions, with fome amendments, were agreed to: and fent up to the house of peers. On the eighteenth of February, a meffage from the commons was delivered, by earl Temple, to the lords, requefting a conference, refpecting the means of perpetuating and improving the connection between the two countries. The addrefs of their lordships, on the fubject of an union. with Ireland, was taken into confideration on the twenty-fecond of April. A motion was made by Mr. Pitt, "that the houfe do concur in the faid addrefs," which, after various obfervations by different speakers, was agreed to. A meffage was fent to the house of peers, informing their lordships, that the commons had agreed to the addrefs, and filled up the blank with the words "and commons."

The meffage from the king, relative to a clofer connection with Ireland, was brought, on the fame day, as already obferved, to the commons and to the lords: by whom alfo, as well as by the commons, it was taken into confideration, on the twenty-third of January. An addrefs was moved by lord Grenville

to his majefty, thanking him for his most gracious communication, and expreffing their lordships readiness to concur in any measure that might be found neceffary or expedient towards the confolidation of the general interefts of the British empire. The addrefs was voted nem. dis.--On the eighteenth of February, the meffage from the commons, defiring a conference being read, and the lords informed that the members deputed by the commons waited for them in the painted chamber, they went thither, and immediately returned with a copy of the refolutions voted by the houfe of commons, on the fubject of the propofed union. with Ireland. Thefe, being read by the clerk, were ordered to be printed. Lord Grenville gave notice, that when the refolutions fhould be printed, and on the table, he intended to move that they should be taken into confideration on that day fen'night.

Lord Auckland faid, there were certain papers, of which it would be neceflary that the house fhould be in poffeffion, previous to any difcuffion that might take place on thofe refolutions, that their lordfhips might be able to make up their minds on every part of the merits of fo important a fubject.Thefe papers would fhew how great were the facrifices in regard to capital and manufactures, which had been made by this country, to Ireland, and what commercial benefits it was in the power of Great Britain to withhold from that country. He therefore moved "That there be laid before the houfe an account of the imports and exports of Great Britain during the four last years, fpecifying thole articles, together with the amount of the fame,

exported