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with Great Britain to one with as on commercial advantages and France? United with Great Bri- difadvantages attending an union,. tain, Ireland will foon become a he could fpeak at some length: but lufty, well-looking, well-fed, limb of he purposely declined it, partly the British body politic: united from a perfuafion that his advice with France, fhe would be a wither- would not be needed, but princied, fhrivelled, palfied, ftarved, ex- pally to his diflike to the appearing crefcence, which might be cut off forward in obtruding his political and thrown afide whenever intereft fpeculations on the attention of the or caprice should render a feparation houfe, having no ambition whatneceflary. ever to affect the character of a statesman: a character, indeed, when wifely and honourably fuftained, of the highest importance to human happinefs, but which did not befit a retired and unconnected churchman, who wished to spend the remainder of his days in contemplations of quite a different tendency. When the late duke of Rutland, whofe memory would ever be dear to the bifhop, was lordlieutenant of Ireland, he honoured him with his confidence, and converfed with him on fubjects of political importance. In writing to the duke, about the time when the

I foresee, with great fatisfaction, the time when, if this union takes place, the whole ftate of Ireland will be changed. The overflowing of British capital will, on a peace, inftead of finding its way into France or America, fettle in Ireland. It will, in time, convert the bogs of that country into cornfields; it will cover its barren mountains with forefts; it will dig its mines, cut its canals, erect its fabrics, explore new channels of commerce, and improve the old ones; in a word, by fupplying labour, it will render the people induftriously enlightened, content- Irish propofitions, as they were ed, and happy. I, my lords, fhall not live to fee the effects of this measure, for great objects do not attain their full perfection at once, but our pofterity will fee them, and will have cause to bless the enlarged policy of two legiflatures, which, rifing fuperior to petty jealoufies, which, facrificing partial interefts on the altar of general fafety, have coalefced into one, for the benefit of both." There was a queftion, bifhop Watson obferved, of great importance, whether the British conftitution would or would not undergo fome change, and if any, what change from the introduction of Irifh members into our two houses of parliament. On thefe and fimilar queftions, as well

66

called, were under difcuffion, he
perfectly well remembered having
faid to his grace, you and your
friend, the minifter of England,
would immortalize your characters,
if, instead of a mere commercial ·
arrangement, you could accomplish,
by honourable means, and on equit-
able terms, a legislative union be-
tween the two kingdoms.
duke's answer to this fuggeftion was
fo fingular, that he should never
forget it. He wholly approved the
measure, but added, that the man
who fhould attempt to carry it
into execution would be tarred
and feathered.

The

Whether his re

pugnance to an union was at that time the general fentiment of the Irish nation, or which he fufpected

of

of a few leading individuals only, he had no means of afcertaining, nor was it now of any ufe to inquire. He mentioned this circumfrance to fhew, that the vote he fhould give this day was founded on an opinion not rafhly or recently taken up, but deliberately formed many years ago, when his mind was neither heated by refentment against rebellion, nor diftrurbed by the apprehenfion of danger, and when he was much more in the habit of confidering fuch fubjects than he had been of late years. In detaining their lordships fo long, he had probably done as much violence to his own feelings as their patience; for he felt a daily increafing reluctance to the mingling in public political debate. this great fubject had compelled him to come forward.

But

Lord Boringdon, on the trite queftion of the fuppofed final adjuftment of 1782, referred to Mr. Fox's fpeech on the commercial propofitions of 1785, in which he declared, that the refolution of the houfe of commons, on the feventeenth of May, 1782, in no wife referred to commerce, but folely to objects political and imperial.

Lord Minto faid, that it was not only for the advantage, but neceflary to the fecurity and prefervation of both countries, that there fhould fubfift between Great Britain and Ireland a clofe connection of fome kind: and the only mode of connection, that could perfectly remove the evils of feparation, and fully confer the benefit of union, was 'a perfect identity and incorporation of their governments. Federal connections were, in their nature, very inadequate to the purposes of union, and of very precarious du

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He analyzed the idea and sentiment of true patriotifm; which, he fhewed, confifted not in a fond attachment to one nation, merely as it ftood in a state of diftinctnefs from other nations, but in doing real and actual good to one's country.

Did our limits, which we have already fomewhat tranfgreffed, and were it our object to exhibit fpecimens of logical reasoning, and just and fine compofition, we fhould infert in this ketch the whole of lord Minto's fpeech on this interesting fubject, which appears to us to be a happy medium between the fpeeches of the laft century, or rather the firft part of it, drawn from hiftory, the law of nations, and maxims of jurisprudence and philofophy, but overloaded with quotation, and, in many inftances, degenerating into an affectation of learning; and thofe clumfy and defultory, though fenfible remarks, on one hand, and thofe animated fallies and effufions on another, that characterize many orations well received in our times. At the fame time, as we have been led to affume the province of the critic, it may be proper to obferve, that lord Minto's fpeech was not more confolidated by a found and enlightened judgement, than enlivened by many delicate and pleasing contours of a fine imagination. It was

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the oratory of Fletcher, of Saltown, employed in an oppofite and more aufpicious caufe. The queftion on the addrefs being put, was carried nem. con. Lord Grenville, lord Auckland, the bishop of Landaff, and lord Minto, were named as a committee, for drawing up an addrefs, conformably to the motion, which, after a conference with the commons, was prefented to his majefty, as the joint addrefs of both houles of parliament.

That the various proceedings in parliament, of moft importance, might be contemplated with the more intereft, as well as order, we have thought it proper to view them not in the connection of adjourn ments, from time to time, but under the four heads of finance, measures of external defence, meafures of internal tranquillity, and measures of political economy. * The union with Ireland may be referred to either the fecond or third of four general heads, or more properly to both. To both, alfo, may be re-, ferred a bill, propofed in February, and paffed in the courfe of the feffion, for reducing the militia and regulating the provifional cavalry. The fupplementary militia was now almoft trebled. If fully completed, under, the prefent laws, it would amount to 106,000. It was, however, deficient of that number, and did not exceed 82,000. This last number of 82,000 fupple

mentary militia, combined with our other forces, being confidered as perfectly adequate to every pur pofe, was not to be increased, but continued as it now food. The claufe in the bill, relating to the provifional cavalry, was founded on the fame principle as that refpecting the fupplementary militia, viz. a wifh not to increase our force beyond what was actually neceffary. And it was judged the more par ticularly expedient to do fo, at a feafon of the year when fo many hands would be wanting for the purposes of agriculture. The volunteer and yeomanry cavalry had rifen from 5,000 to 30,000. By this vaft augmentation, the provifional cavalry-act being fuperfeded, it was thought unnecellary to call forth that part of our intended force.

On the first of March, Mr. Wil berforce made his annual motion for the abolition of the flave-trade. A new and interesting circumstance varied the ufual topics and arguments, this year, in the debate on this fubject: an army of negroes, under Touffaint, in St. Domingo, and democratical, or, as they were at this time called, French princi ples, fupported and encouraged by that ftriking revolution, ftriving hard to make their way into the very heart of the British colonies. Mr. Wilberforce's motion was loft, by S4 votes against 54..

* Finance might certainly be arranged under the head of political economy: hut we here apply this term to measures for the improvement of the general state or condition of the empire.

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Treaty of Campo Formio fuddenly formed.—Difregarded and mistrusted by both Parties.Military Preparations. General Jourdan receives Orders to begin the Campaign.-Immenfe Scale on which War is now curried -Force and Pofition of the French and the Imperial Forces.-Plans of the French. -Situation and Views of the Auftrians.-The French Army occupies Manheim.-Lays the Palatinate under Contribution.-And advances into Suabia. -Contributions there alfo.-Jourdan appointed Commander-in-chief of the Armies in Germany and Switzerland. Pofitions of the Auftrians in the Country of the Grifons and in the Voralberg.-Maffena fummons General Auffenberg, and attacks him at the fame Time.And takes him, with the greater Part of his Troops.-The French Mafters of Chier, and almost all the Valley of the Rhine.-Plan of the French to complete the Conquest of the Country of the Grifons.—Maffena repulfed in the Voralberg with much Lofs.-The French General, Lecourbe, feizes on the Upper and Lower Engadine.The French General, Defolles, attacks and gains the Poft at Bormio.-The Army of the Archduke Charles paffes the Lech, and advances in Suabia.-Movements and Pofitions taken by the Auftrian and French Armies.-Battle between the Auftrians and French.The French defeated, and forced to repafs the Rhine.—The Auftrians in Poffeffion of almost all Suabia.

TH

HE treaty of Campo Formio proved, as was very generally forefeen, no more than an armed truce, during which, the oppofite parties were lefs animated by the hope or the defire of permanent peace, than by thofe of being in a condition to renew the war. That treaty, though favourable to France, was fcarcely more favourable than what her fplendid fuccefs in arms, according to the criterion of political morality, might feem to juftify. It was, in fact, fuch, that if it had been formed after long and leifurely difcuffion, and after the parties had duly re- conciled their minds to it by habitual reflection, it might have been the bafis of a general pacification

and of a new fyftem of the political balance in Europe. But it appears to be an univerfal law, in nature, phyfical, moral, and political, that nothing fudden is permanent. The preliminaries of Leoben were figned at a moment pregnant with danger to the French army, as well as with ruin to the houfe of Auftria. The French and Auftrian governments, in proportion as that moment of danger, was removed, and thrown into the background of the picture of Europe, recovered their habitual views and paffions. The treaty of Campo Formio appeared as a dream, a preternatural intrufion into the great affairs and interefts of nations. The French directory, by

the

the most overt acts of the most vio- therefore, did not think it advifeable

lent injuftice and oppreffion, manifefted ftill a difpofition to extend their principles and conquefts. The Cæfars of Vienna could not, without a figh, behold their long-loved Italy, as well as Switzerland and Savoy, a prey to French influence and domination; by which means, alfo, the Austrian dominions were ftripped of that natural boundary and barrier, which they derived from their geographical fituation, and a way was opened to the heart of the empire. Yet it is not improbable that the two governments had it in contemplation to avoid the dangerous confequences of war, and to gain their respective objects by the magnitude of their preparations, and mutually prefenting to each other a front of defiance. By thefe, the Auftrians efpecially, after the march of the Ruffians, for their aid, to Germany, hoped to restore the independence of Switzerland, Naples, and the papal territories: by thefe, alfo, the French hoped ftill to retain them in fubjection. Be this as it may, military preparations, during the congrefs at Raftadt, were continued, with unremitting activity, by both parties; each of which had an intereft in the gaining of time, by prolonging the negociation for peace.

to open the campaign till the fpring, favourable, in all circumftances, to the execution of great military plans, efpecially in mountainous. countries. The imperialists, on their part, had fimilar motives for temporization. Their army, for the purpofe of recruiting, was difperfed in Bohemia, and other provinces, at a distance from Suabia and the Bavarian frontier; with the exception of thofe ftationed in Friuli, and the newly acquired Venetian ftates, which were to be preferved from the revolutionary fermentation, and retained in a state of obedience and fubmiffion, only by the prefence of an army. The march of the Ruffian troops, in different divifions, and halting at different places for refreshment, could not be other than flow. And befides all this, a plan of co-operation, between the imperial armies of Germany and Italy, could not be carried into execution before the season of communication by the Tyrol. Thus, in the negociation of Raftadt, there were, on both fides abundant motives for procraftination. wards its conclufion, it became a kind of diplomatical war, in which the refpective plenipotentiaries were only fpies on each other, and The directory fet themselves only to confider and determine the point to which party its rupture or prolongation would be of the greatest advantage. On that point the directory had no longer any doubt, when they were certain that the Ruffians were deftined to co-operate with the imperial army in Italy, and when they faw the formation of a great Auftrian army, under the command of the archduke Charles, between the Lech and the Danube. On the other hand, it be

had begun to lose the confidence of the French nation. The recruiting of the French armies, by means of military confcriptions, went on but flowly. It required fome time to train the recruits, and incorporate them with the exhaufted battalions. Nor could the movements of troops, notwithstanding the poffeffion of Switzerland, be made without delays, amidst the rigours of winter. The directory,

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came

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