jects, that we, and our allies, having refolved to overthrow the lawless government now ruling France, and we have, therefore, rifen against it with all our forces. The Almighty has bleffed our arms to this very day, and crowned all our enterprifes with victory and fuccefs. Among the small number of European powers, apparently attached to the French government, but, in fact, powers that are only afraid of the vengeance of this government, the outcall of God, ftruggling with the laft agonies of diffolution, Spain has, more than all the reft, fhown her fear of, or attachment to France, not by giving her actual fuccours; but by armaments. In vain have we made ufe of all our refources to open to that power the real path to honour and glory, by combining with us; fhe has perfifled obdurate ly in meafures and wanderings deftructive of herfelf; and thus have ⚫ we at laft found ourselves under the neceffity of fending back her chargé d'affaires at our court, Odie. having fince that received information, that our own chargé d'affaires, too, counsellor Butzow, has been compelled to quit the king of Spain's dominions within a term unto him limited, we deem this an infult committed upon our imperial dignity, and do hereby declare war; giving orders at the fame time to impofe fequeftration on all Spanish fhips in our harbours, and to confifcate the fame, and to fend orders to the commanders of all our land and fea forces, to act with hoftility every where against all the fubjects of the king of Spain. But Answer of the King of Spain to the Manifefto of the Emperor of Ruffia. Madrid, Sept. 11. THE religious, exacinels with which have endeavoured, and thall endeavour, to maintain the alliance which I have entered into with the French republic, and the bonds of friendfhip and of good intelligence which fubfift between the two countries, and which are cemented by the evident analogy of their common political interests; have excited the jealoufy of fome powers, particularly fince the forma tion of the new coalition, of which the object, inftead of the chimerical and oftenfible defire of re-eftablishing order, is only to disturb it by defpotizing over thofe nations who will not fubmit to their ambitions views. Among them, Ruffia has thought proper to appear very pro minent with refpect to me. The emperor, not content with arroga ting to himself titles which cannot in any fenfe belong to him, and with thus manifefting his views, has juft published a decree declaratory of war against me, in confequence, as he fays, of not having experienced from me the condefcenfion which he expected. The publication of this decree may alone fuffice to prove his want of juftice. The tranflation of it is literally as follows: [Here the manifefto of the emperor is recited.] I have feen, without furptife, this declaration of war, because the conduct obferved towards my chargé d'affaires, and other proceedings not lefs extraordinary on the part of this fovereign, fome time fince, informed me what I was to expect. In dif miffing, therefore, from my court and dominions, the Ruffian charge d'affaires I d'affaires, M. le confeiller Butzow, have not been fo much governed by motives of refentment as by the imperious confiderations of my dignity. In confequence of thefe principles, I am far from intending to examine at length the inconfiftent and offenfive contents of the Ruffian manifefto-offenfive not only to me, but to other European powers; and well knowing the nature of the influence of England upon the reigning czar, I confider it below me to anfwer this manifefto, being accountable for my political connections to none but the Almighty, by whofe aid I fhall be able to repel every unjuft aggreffion, which the prefumption of a fyftem of falfe combinations may direct againit me and my fubjects, for the protection and fecurity of whom I have taken and am taking the most efficacious precautions; and in making known to them this declaration of war, I authorize them to act hoftilely against Ruffia, its poffeffions, and its inhabitants. The Minifter Plenipotentiary of the Batavian Republic to the Minifler for Foreign Affairs. Paris, 21 July, 5th Year of midor). Citizen minifter, HAVE received orders from my government to fubmit the following reflections to the French directory. The new efforts of defpotifm against the reprefentative government, the fentiment of duty, and even of neceflity, which refults from thence for the allied republics, to firengthen the bands which ought to VOL. XLI. unite them for the fafety of the common caufe, have dictated this frank and amicable communication, this explanation of the falutary and protecting principles which fhould actuate all republicans, inflamed with the love of their country, and only directed by that fentiment they owe a people who have intrufted their deareft interefts to them. Since the formation of the Batavian conftitution, the legislative body, the directory, the tribunals, the departmental adminiftrations, in fhort, every authority generally compofed of men moft remarkable for their patriotism and understanding, have ftrove to affure the ftability of that conftitu tion, and to procure their fellowcitizens all the happinefs that had been promifed to them. The immenfe majority of the Batavians, attached by fentiment to the laws which have been given them, impreffed with a generous esteem for the magiftrates honoured by their choice, will fecond by every means in their power, with the whole ftrength of their ability, the painful labours of their delegates. This union between the nation and its magiftrates prefents to the philofopher and the friends of humanity the confoling hope of being foon able to prove, by an eloquent example, the excellence of a well-tempered democracy, and of eftablishing by facts, that the practical execution of this fyftem is as eafy and as fimple, as the conception of its theory is grand and fublime. But this example of a happy republic, without patricians, without privileges, exercifing the rights of its fovereignty with dignity, muft be too flattering to the people, too alarming to kings. England, dreading its power, has hitherto directed its artificial and criminal policy, in endeavouring to weaken and destroy it. The cabi net of Saint James's has feen with affright the fall of the stadtholder. Thus this cabinet has calculated the fatal confequences to its commerce, which must be produced by the alliance between the Batavian and the French republics. Its menaces, its arms, not having been able to prevent that alliance, it endeavours to defeat the benefits refulting from it. Force having become ufelefs in the accomplishment of its plans, it has eftablished itself as the banker of intrigue, and by dark manoeuvres and machiavelian combinations has attempted to fow jealoufies between the two nations, to deftroy thofe fentiments of mutual benevolence which fubfifted between them, to divide and to exafperate them against each other. It is thus, on the one hand, to alienate the Batavians, that the disguised emiffaries of that cabinet report, with as much affectation as infolence, that the French government will have only tributary republics near it; flaves rather than allies; people vainly decorated with the title of fovereigns, geographi cally independent, but politically enchained; and that at a peace, Holland, parcelled out and abandoned to a foreign yoke, will leave to Europe only the remembrance of its name and its virtues. It is thus that in France the difguifed apoftles of tyranny effayed to furprife the confidence of the directory; to infpire it with fears as to the fidelity of the Batavians; to raife doubts as to their patriotifin; to call in queftion their known attachment to the republican fyftem, by defcribing as fuppliers of England, as engrollers on the account of England, as partifans of England, thofe who are the implacable enemies of the Bri tannic government, and the eternal rivals of that haughty ruler of the main. Alas! who are the organs of thefe horrible blafphemies? Men rendered infamous by the most culpable exceffes; men who, having thaken off the restraint of the laws, and renounced all morality, all idea of focial organization, fet up as the only patriots and privileged defenders of liberty, and, under pompous titles, endeavour to fubmit all to their fury and defpotifm. They are men, who, eftablishing then-, felves as the difpofers of character, defcribe as a ftadtholderian the citizen who obeys the laws; as a tyrant, the functionary faithful to his duties; and as an egotift and friend to England, the merchant, who by his indefatigable industry is able to pay the enormous contributions which circumstances have rendered neceffary, and which have hitherto faved the republic. It is by fomenting hatred, and exafperating republicans, that thefe promoters of civil difcord daily bring down new misfortunes on their country, and infenfibly prepare the ruin and overthrow of the ftate. Indifferent as to the means, they indifcriminately embrace all thofe they think likely to favour their defigns; fometimes humble, fometimes infolent, but always perfidious, they flatter or deftroy; informers by profession, infamous in character, they calumniate thofe they cannot corrupt; and, after having myfteriously fabri cated pretended plots, and. feigned treafons, they loudly invoke the vigilance of the French agents, in order to avert evils which never had any exiftence, except in their dif ordered imagination, and their fantaftic projects. By what fatality is t they have preferved the appearance of good faith, when they have been fpreading their fnares? How have they been able fo eafily to affright us with vain fears? How have they been able to circulate fuch unfounded reports, fuch fini fter predictions, fuch denunciations, as ridiculous as impudent, and render themselves the echoes of them to the French government? How is it we have not forefeen the difaftrous effects which muft neceffarily be produced by the fufpicions with which they have furrounded a rifing administration? How is it that it has not been felt that the infinuations of a violent and unruly patriotifm may deftroy the confidence and esteem which the chief magif trates of two friendly and indepen dent nations ought reciprocally to poffefs? How is it they have not felt, that to annihilate the credit of the Batavians, already fo much impaired by the fhocks infeparable from a great revolution, was ferving the moft ardent wifhes of the Britih minifter; and that, from the day on which its credit, the very principle of its existence, ftrength, and power, fhould be deftroyed, the republic would prefent nothing to its allies but fætid marshes, and to Europe the dreadful fpectacle of a nation cruelly difappointed in its hopes, and writhing in the convulfions of a horrible agony? Yes, it is to the infernal fyftem of informers to the odious profcription of whatever is good, honeft, and uptight, to that perfidious art of altering and corrupting every thing, that crafty England owes its fucceffes, republics their loffes, republicans their misfortunes, and Batavians that want of regard and deference, that offenfive behaviour, which has fo often occafioned their deep regret, and been the fubject of their complaints. The Batavian government is fo intimately perfuaded of having pointed out the fource of all its evils, that it is convinced of the neceffity of a prompt and efficacious remedy. It is time to prove to England and to Europe that the French republic is too generous, too magnanimous, to adopt a fyftem of making republics tributary; on the contrary, it acknowledges that it withes, in its full extent, the equality of the people; and, rich in its own refources, it only defires friends, powerful and faithful friends. The Batavian government, confiding in the purity of its intentions, neither has nor can have any fecrets which it wishes to conceal from the French directory. It knows that by fate the two nations are inevitably united with each other; that they must triumph or perifh together; deftroy the fame enemies, or be deftroyed by them; that they muft infpire refpect for republics by a manly energy, and the example of their internal happiness; that they must fupprefs factions; and that in the bloody conteft of republicanism againft royalty, it is necessary that republicans fhould unite to prudence and prodigies of valour the courage to make every facrifice. The Batavian nation will not be behind in this perilous ftruggle. During the ftorms which have preceded the eftablishment of its conftitution, it has learnt to diftinguish its real friends from its vile feducers. It will honour the one, and punish the difturbers of its repofe, whatever difguife they may affume. Fatigued with the long commotions which have kaken its credit and annihilated its commerce, it feels that it is only by internal peace that it can repair its loffes; that new revolutionary tempefls will wreck the veffel of the ftate; and that the general fafety demands general order, calm nefs, and wildom. For thefe confiderations the Batavian directory, jealous of diffipating the clouds by which the enemies of the two nations have endeavoured to obfcure the first days of a fworn alliance, calculated for the profperity of the two republics; jealous alfo of deftroying every pretence of calumny, of obviating all fufpicion, of eftablifhing thofe legitimate relations which ought to fubfift between the two governments, is eager to make a profeffion of its faith, and to explain publicly the whole of its policy and fyftem. This fyftem, which will ever actuate the Batavian government, is the refult of its inviolable attachment to the democratic conftitution and republican principles; to the faithful accomplishment of the engagements of the Batavian republic towards the French republic; to the firm refolution of rigorously repreffing Orangilm and public difturbers; of reftraining and chaftifing the factious; to its deep-rooted hatred against the government of England; to the direction of its refources, in order to fecond the meafures which the, French government may adopt against the enemy; to place upon the most refpectable footing, and to the full extent of its means, the forces of the Batavian republic by fea and land; to offer its forces in aid of the common caufe; to concert with the French republicans as to their deftination and employment; and to leave to France, in the combination of its military plans, that afcendency which it naturally derives from its fituation. Doubtlefs, the directory, convinced of the fincerity of the Batavian government, by the rigorous execution of its folemn promifes, will haften to fecond its intentions. Doubtiefs it will thew, that the independence of its ally is dear and facred to it; that it will make it refpected by respecting it itself; that it will inftruct its agents in Holland, that there can be no durable influence but that which is founded on efteem and public opinion; that it is upon thefe principles they fhould regulate their conduct in their relations with different authorities; and that it is the more neceffary to conform to thefe principles, inaf much as the Batavian nation, long characterised by its noble franknefs, by its hatred of pride and haughtiness, by its extreme fenfibility to the flightcft marks of benevolence, only diftinguifies and appreciates men according to their virtues, their talents, the amenity of their deportment; their modefty with regard to focial relations, and their inflexible leverity againft the enemies of public order. It will, doubtlefs, inftruct them, that Batavia is not a conqueft; that its ancient hiftory attefts the undaunted firmness it has ever oppofed to tyranny; that its inhabitants, long previous to the arrival of the French, combated a gainst the ftadtholder; and that the reception they gave them has proved, to the whole world, they were received rather as brethren than conquerors, rather as friends than oppreffors.. ; but what chiefly cannot efcape the fagacity of the directory is, the neceffity of reftoring and protecting the commerce of the Batavians in its ancient fplendour. The directory will then convince its agents, what they |