bulk of the people would fain be at war with them, and those who are a little wiser would never rest till they make them go to war with France. The former wish is plainly the worst of the two; but to desire that America should give up her neutrality is not a great deal wiser. How can she assist us or to use the modish phrase, make common cause with us, against France, half so effectually as by continuing to trade with both, while both are fighting together, and thus preserve our commerce, to whom commerce is so much more essential than to the enemy? There is, in truth, only one line of conduct, which America can adopt more hurtful to us, than that of taking part with us; and this is taking part with our enemy. If any measures of ours can ensure such a misfortune, the good people of these realms may rest satisfied that the late Orders in Council will answer the purpose. And now that which has been said metaphorically is come to be very nearly matter of plain and sad reality-and we are indeed at war with the whole world To make an exception of Sweden is surely drivelling; to comfort ourselves with the alliance of Brazil, is somewhat more excusable; but the consolation has not much more solidity. If the trade with Brazil is even considerably extended, that of Portugal is gone, and we lose more than we gain upon the whole transaction. The very goods which the new empire furnishes, are, with a single exeption, those which we want the least; and the traffic in the chief of them will be positively detrimental to us. The new court, too, may be on the whole well disposed to us; but our enemy, while he occupies Portugal, has unfortunately a stronger hold in their interests than we have in their affections; and may easily prevent us from making the most of the little good which the emigration, so falsely described both as to its causes and consequences, is capable of yielding us. Let us not deceive ourselves therefore.. Our situation is perilous; and to despise the danger is not to brave it, but to destroy ourselves in the dark. All this, indeed, is only an increase of former evils; and the natural progress of the favourite war system in this country. But there is now a circumstance in our situation, of a complexion so new and strange, that it may well appal us beyond all the ordinary evils that *The contempt of good faith, which is now the fa vourite policy towards foreign states, has been also exhibited to the people of this country, in the late official ac-: counts of the emigration, after a manner, quite disgraceful to the character of the nation. surround us. Since the last session of Parliament we have indeed lost our allies; and added four or five enemies to our list; we have almost quarreled with our kinsmen in America, and are not without prospect of a civil war still nearer home. But all this astonished no one.-There remained one deed. of shame to do, which should for ever blast our reputation in the face of the world; and leave us not merely surrounded with dangers, and op pressed with misfortune, but deprived of courage to face the one, and fortitude to bear the other. Once we might have defied both to intimidate or subdue us. But we no longer have the boldness of a just and innocent nation." Our conscience makes cowards of us.”—And "a wounded spirit, who can bear?" Compared with this calamity, indeed, all that we have been contemplating in the foregoing pages sinks into nothing. But there is in many points a striking resemblance between the two cases; and it requires but the eye of a cursory observer to trace in the contempt of all public justice, constitutional law, and sound policy, which marks the Orders in Council, the work of the same hands that sacrificed the British character at Copenhagen. |