people have said "Whoso is wise, and will observe these things, even they shall understand the loving kindness of the Lord."

SECTION V.

TYNDALE AND FRYTH-ENGLAND AND SPAIN-ENGLAND AND ITALY-RETROSPECT PRESENT PERSECUTION IN ENGLAND-ARRESTED BY PREVAILING DISEASE-PERSECUTION IN ANTWERP-NOBLY WITHSTOOD AND DEFEATED-WOLSEY'S PURSUIT AFTER TYNDALE AND OTHERS-ALL IN

VAIN.

In the course of the year 1528, we have no distinct account of any thing new having issued from the press, translated or composed by Tyndale; although some of his smaller tracts, without date, may have been printed. There were, however, fresh editions of his two publications, already mentioned. Of "the Parable," there was one if not two editions, and of "the Obedience" certainly two, the first of which is dated in May, and the second in October of this year. That the books had been read or purchased with avidity, and were in growing demand; this, especially in those early days, is proof sufficient; but not one of these were printed at Worms. Tyndale and Fryth had now certainly removed elsewhere. All these pieces were printed at one place and by the same man-Hans Luft, a favourite printer "at Malborough in the land of Hesse," or Marburg, the capital of Upper Hesse. To our Translator, within the last eighteen months, this place must have become strongly attractive. There is no intimation or even hint of any visit yet paid to Wittenberg; it was still 200 miles distant, and it becomes more than doubtful whether Tyndale was ever there. Marburg, the ancient Mattium, is situate on the right bank of the Lahn, a tributary of the Rhine, 41 miles north from Frankfort.

A school of learning, of a new or unprecedented character, had been established here; in fact, a University which is still in existence. Many colleges had been founded even in the fourteenth century, and the fifteenth had been so distinguished for the formation of Academical foundations, that, according to

the account given by Zopt, the number of Universities, after that of Turin in 1405, had amounted to twenty-seven. But the University of Marburg was the first of a class differing from all preceding it. However, it may have gone on since then, and however unpretending it was in its origin, it was by no means the object here, "to set learning against learning," in the sense which was proposed at Cardinal College, Oxford. The result of individual zeal, and thirst for mental improvement, it owed nothing whatever to Royal or Pontifical favour or countenance. That of the Pontiff was never to be sought. Founded in 1526, by Philip, the Landgrave of Hesse, next year various Professors had been appointed, and among these were men, who, so far from frowning on Tyndale and Fryth, were sure to bid them God speed. Not to name others, here were Lambert, Lonicerus, and, before long, Rudelius. The art of printing also had been introduced at Marburg last year, or 1527; and the only press known to have existed, is that which Tyndale and Fryth employed, throughout this year, and part of the following-a circumstance which indicates that they were on the spot. From the number of things issuing from the same press, in English, even the printer seems to have been more interested in the design than any other that had been yet employed. But, above all other men at Marburg, here also was one youth of no common promise, deeply interesting to Fryth and Tyndale, as coming from the same island. This was no other than Patrick Hamelton from Scotland, the proto-martyr ; and but for the strong affection felt for him by Fryth, we might have known but little about him, as will appear afterwards. In short, Marburg held out advantages, inviting, and far superior to the mere protection which had been happily enjoyed at Worms.2

Nor are we at any loss to understand how Tyndale was here engaged. It must have been a mighty addition to his comfort, for such a man as Roye to be succeeded by John Fryth. The former once dismissed, in 1526 Fryth had reached his friend and father of the same opinions. Equally interested in the translation of the Scriptures for their native land, from day to day this subject had fully engrossed their minds. But at present we refrain from saying more till the

1 Francis Lambert of Avignon, an eloquent preacher, and author of various expositions of Scripture, is well known. After being at Wittenberg, he was now Divinity Professor at Marburg. About a year after Tyndale's removal from the place, he died in 1530, aged only 43. But John Lonicerus survived to the age of 70, in 1569. For forty-two years he taught here as Professor of Greek, and for fourteen years from 1536, also the Hebrew tongue. Nor should John Rudelius be forgotten, as he left behind him one monument of his industry and scholarship, too little known. At the press of Quentel in Cologne, it will be remembered that Tyndale was succeeded by his foe Cochlæus; but Rudelius, last year, succeeded him, and to far better purpose, by a beautiful folio Latin Bible, “juxta Hebraicam et Græcam veritatem." It has been praised for its correctness; but by the copy now before the writer, there is another circumstance more remarkable. It is dated from Cologne as early as the 8th of April 1527, or above nine months before the first edition of Pagninus at Lyon, and seven years before the version of Sebastian Munster. Some farther notice may be taken of this book when we present an impression of the wooden block of the Evangelist Matthew, used by Quentel in the service of all the three.

2 While the University of Cologne is now reduced to a gymnasium, and that of Wittenberg was in 1815 almost broken up, or rather merged in the University of Halle, that at Marburg still remains. We cannot give its present state; but in 1829, the students were above 350 in number, and the library contained above 100,000 volumes. Its annual revenue being nearly £6000, the half is supplied by the Government of Hesse Cassel.

books of the Pentateuch were printed. As Fryth, however, is the only man who can certainly be associated with Tyndale in his present engagements, it is necessary that he should be now more fully introduced to the notice of the reader.

John Fryth was born in 1503, at Westerham, a markettown in Kent, near the head of the Darent, a tributary of the Thames. His father, Richard, as an inn-holder, lived afterwards at Sevenoaks, near the same stream. It was allowed, even by his enemies, that Fryth was an excellent scholar, after the advantages he had enjoyed, first at Cambridge, and then at Oxford, thus reversing the order of Tyndale's education. As Fryth, however, received his University education at King's College, Cambridge, he must, of course, also have been a scholar at Eton. It was while proceeding in his studies, that Tyndale was at Cambridge, and through his instrumentality, as Foxe expresses it, Fryth "first received into his heart the seed of the gospel, and sincere godliness." Such being the case, it is a circumstance not to be forgotten in our future history, that Fryth had for his tutor no other than Stephen Gardiner, the future Bishop of Winchester. Some time in 1523, when Tyndale was in London, it is next to certain his much-loved friend must have been with him, since before they were separated, and Fryth remained behind, it has been stated, that they used to converse respecting the necessity for the Scriptures being “turned into the vulgar speech, that the poor people might also read and see the simple plain Word of God." In this case, Fryth must have looked and longed for success to attend the enterprise of the man he most loved upon earth.

Tyndale, however, sailing for Hamburgh, Fryth was, ere long, selected, for his acquirements, as a Cambridge scholar; and called away to Oxford by Wolsey, became, as we have seen, a canon in Cardinal College. Having already proceeded as B.A. at Cambridge, he was admitted to the same degree at Oxford in December 1525.3 Fryth could not have been idle in advancing his opinions, for those young men from Cam

3" Conceditur D'no Fryth, questionistæ in artibus, ut admissio sua stet pro completo gradu, eo quod clectus in socium collegii Cardinalis Oxon. proximis comitiis interesse non potest sic quod satisfaciat officiariis."- Reg. Acad. Cantabr. "December 7, 1525," says A. Wood, "he was, with other Cantabrigians, (Sumner, Coxe, Betts, Allen,) incorporated in the same degree

of Batchelor."

bridge, already mentioned, were much of his mind. But in two months, even to a day, after he had taken his degree, not only he, but they, had incurred high displeasure. These men might have been styled "the hope of the nation," though we have heard old Warham rate them, in his letter to Wolsey, as nothing more than "a number of young uncircumspect fools." Fools they might be called by the Primate of England, but uncircumspect was not the right word. Generally speaking, they were looking in one direction, and, at the moment, saw farther than their calumniator. Here at least was Fryth; but little did Wolsey imagine, that in selecting him, and most probably by his tutor Gardiner's recommendation, he had laid his hand on the ardent admirer of that man whom he was afterwards so eager to apprehend on the Continent. Left behind in England, Fryth had proved, among his fellows, an expectant of whatever Tyndale should be able to accomplish; and one can more easily conceive than express how he must have hailed the arrival, and the very first sight of the New Testament at Oxford. It certainly had been longed for, and it came at last.

Fryth was then twenty-three years of age, and not only a lover of learning, but acute and eminent in talent. Yet, once aware of the cruelties practised on Dalaber and Garret, as already detailed, and being so far at liberty, he effected his escape, and landed, like his forerunner, on a foreign shore. This could not possibly be before the autumn of 1526, so that the undivided credit of translating the New Testament, and forwarding it to his country, remains with Tyndale alone. The flight of Fryth has been placed much later, even in 1528, but it is evident that he durst not have remained so long. That he ever revisited England before he came to die at the stake, we have no certain evidence; but we now see him as the able coadjutor of his elder brother for years.

When we turn away from these two men, the greatest benefactors of Britain then living, to the disgraceful and offensive state of public affairs, a general idea of the whole year may be attained by observing the policy of England, first in connexion with Spain and the Low Countries, and then with Italy.

The Emperor Charles V. was unquestionably ambitious, and now more than ever anxious to reach his own pinnacle of earthly glory; but no

one can charge him, at this period, with the same duplicity which Wolsey practised, to his own permanent disgrace.

By the treaty of Madrid, when the King of France was allowed to return from captivity, his two sons were sent into Spain, as hostages for its fulfilment. Charles was now willing to relax, and even set these children at liberty, provided that Francis would restore Genoa, and withdraw his army from Italy. The Emperor had written, demanding a definite answer by the 31st of January; but, before that day arrived, the French ambassadors had shown to him the articles concluded with Wolsey at Amiens, in August last; and what wonder that Charles immediately fired, and was in great fury? His remonstrating with the English ambassador availed nothing, for he "discreetly" professed ignorance! The Emperor complained loudly of his uncle Henry's hostility to him, but he remained inflexible. So at last, on the 22d of January, by the express counsel of our Cardinal, Guienne for France, and Clarencieux, as King-of-Arms for England, bade defiance to the Emperor in open court. When the defiances were made, the nobles of Castile drew their swords, and replied-" Sire, if the despite of this defiance be unrevenged, the infamy and rebuke thereof shall remain to us and our heirs for ever." The Spaniards, in general, were averse from war with England-blamed only the Cardinal and Francis-" but wrung themselves by the beard, and sware that their lands and goods should be spent for the honour of the Emperor." "God grant," said the Emperor," that I may not have better reason to defy Henry, than he has to defy me. Can I pass over the indignity with which he threatens my aunt, by his application for a divorce, or the insult which he has offered to me, by soliciting me to marry a daughter, whom he now pronounces to be a bastard? But I am perfectly aware from whom these suggestions proceed. I would not satisfy the rapacity of the Cardinal of York, nor employ my forces to seat him in the chair of St. Peter; and now in return, he has sworn to be revenged, and now seeks to fulfil his purpose. But if war ensue, let the blood that must be shed fall on the head of him who is the original instigator of it.”4

The English merchants in Spain were of course attached, and put in safe custody. The ambassadors were honourably treated; but a rumour, real or pretended, reached England, that the Emperor had acted otherwise, and even thrown them into prison. Wolsey in his fury, on the 12th of February, imprisoned Don Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador, and the next day, in the Star Chamber, gave a long address, by no means palatable to those who heard it. Some, indeed, scrupled not to say “he lieth;" and as for the people, in general, they deeply lamented and deprecated any war between Henry and the Emperor. Such was the

4 Le Grand.