George Constantyne, it should seem, had soon fled from England, and most probably during Tunstal's cross-examinations in the spring, when his name was mentioned. He might not return while Wolsey lived, except it were with books; but we shall meet with him again in the hands of Sir Thomas More, a persecutor of a higher grade than the Cardinal ever was.

Most providentially, however, by the time that West and his companions arrived in England with this letter, Wolsey, so far from prospering "many happy years," as Rinck had prayed, probably never had one day of unmingled enjoyment. The confidence of his own Royal Master had begun to decline, and Rinck but little knew the game that Wolsey was playing at that moment with the Emperor; otherwise, neither he nor Hackett could have expected him to have any influence, upon any subject, with Charles. Thus the remainder of the Cardinal's wrath was restrained, and happily Rinck never obtained the license or Commission for which he panted; besides, his politics must have soon changed with the times. His son had been in England before, and now that he came a second time, he has been supposed to have remained for some time, though of this we have found no positive evidence.

As for Friar West, he entirely failed in apprehending any of the men pointed out. It must have been still more mortifying to him that, while he was wandering on the Continent, in his disguised habit, Roye, the very man whom Wolsey wished to have, above all others, had actually paid a visit to England; and to crown all, West, upon returning to his monastery, not only received no thanks for all his toil, but very soon found it a great deal too hot for him. The" new learning" had begun to spread even there! He might, as we have found, write to Hackett in November, telling him how the King and the Cardinal were engrossed, and could not answer his letters; but by the next month, he himself could not gain access even to Wolsey, and was at his wits' end.

that this recantation was prescribed to him, and that, from fear of Gardiner, he signed it. Still the coincidence is remarkable, and at all events, this Jerome Barlow must have been the man to whom Tyndale alluded. Alexander Barklay is also named; most probably the poet, the author of "the Ship of Fools," who it seems had the honour to be ranked among the heretics. John Scott of Strasburg, the nephew of Mentel in that city, was generally known on the Continent. A spirited printer, he was quite ready for any controversial or satirical publication. This is the same man who gave such offence to Erasmus by printing for Hutten, against him. In 1524, Erasmus had written two pressing letters to the Magistrates of Strasburg, insisting on his punishment, and he became displeased with Hedio, simply because he would not take his part against Scott, with whom the magistrates would not interfere. -See Jortin's Life of Erasmus.

There is a curious letter, describing his miseries, addressed to some "Right Worshipful Sir," perhaps Brian Tuke, dated the 17th of December. It forms an appropriate conclusion to this vain pursuit.

"Sir, the cause of my writing unto your Mastership at this time, is this: Our father minister, who is Father William Robbynson, Warder of Greenwich, were yesterday, or this day, at my Lord's Grace to complain upon me, and that my Lord should take away the commission from me; and all because they will not let me come to London, and to seek for them that my Lord knoweth of, and to enquire, where Roye was, when he was in England with his mother, and for other sort of business according to my commission. And they have great indignation at me, because I have sped so well, and because there is more of them guilty in the matter of Lutheryans. And they cannot speak among them a good word of my Lord's Grace and the King's. And because I do reprove them of their ill-sayings, they go about, all that they can, to put me to trouble and vexations, and desolations, that I am almost weary of my life among them. And they have taken away my fellow traveller that came with me from beyond sea, and they have sent him in . . . . . in a ship alone, without a fellow-(most probably the "good true man" that Hackett sent with him from Antwerp); and all because that I [went] about none of my business, but they will know it. Also they will not obey the King's Broad-Sheet.

“Therefore, I pray your worship, for the passion of Christ sake, as to be so good unto me, as favour me with the dispensation, as shortly as it may be possible, and if you think it cannot be afore Christmas, I pray you, get me a [letter] of an obediencie, under my Lord's broad seal for me Friar John Weston, preacher and confessor, and for my fellow, Cornelius Hewtsone a Dutchman, which I intend to take for the season, because he can (speak) but little English, and so that I may do my matters the more secretly. The letter of obediencie you may get of Mr. Steward, he that is master of my Lord's faculties, and what you pay unto him for it, I shall see you be contented: for I am so desolate, that without your help, that I might come to the speech of my Lord's Grace, they will put me in prison.47 Wherefore I pray you to help now, as my special trust is in you, and the sooner the better. If you can get the obediencie, send it me to Greenwich, by one of your servants, and that he delivers it to no man, but to myself, for I am weary of my life among them, and all because I see them that they be willing to maintain these rebels or heretics in their mischief, and they pray to God that they [may succeed.]—At Greenwich, at our convent the xvii. December, A. Dni. 1528."48

The poor Friar had no doubt many weighty reasons for wishing once more to go abroad, but they were all in vain. Wolsey, by this time, had his hands full. Henry was absorpt in his own affair. Our Envoy, indeed, wrote in January, imploring that the Friar might be sent to his aid, but we hear

47 Crumwell held "the Stewardship" of the monastery lands now confiscated. Perhaps he is here referred to, and it will be well if he does not follow in pursuit, after Wolsey's death.

48 Cotton MS., Vitelius, B. x., fol. 171. In this letter only, the name is Weston, which seems to be a clerical error, as in all the others, it is West.

nothing more of Father West, and Hackett will never obtain any farther orders. The chase was now over till Henry himself began, for thus ended, at least, the Cardinal's hunt after heretics so called! After this, he will have quite enough to do, in taking care of himself. It was Providence ruling and over-ruling all things, for the sake of His own Word.

SECTION VI.

TYNDALE'S PROGRESS IN THE OLD TESTAMENT-PERSECUTION IN ENGLAND -THWARTED ONCE MORE TUNSTAL AT ANTWERP-WOLSEY'S CAREERTYNDALE'S INFLUENCE IN THE PALACE-CRANMER FIRST EMPLOYED WOLSEY'S FALL-LORD CHANCELLOR MORE-RISE OF CRUMWELL-PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED-COMMOTION THERE-MORE, THE BISHOPS, AND THE KING, IN LEAGUE AGAINST THE SCRIPTURES-COVERDALE SENT TO HAMBURGH-ANOTHER OR FIFTH EDITION OF THE TESTAMENT.

In the denunciation of the English New Testament by Tunstal and Warham, in 1526, we then noticed one curious omission, that of Tyndale's name; at that time they appear not to have known it, but we have already seen, that very soon after the names of Tyndale and Roye were distinctly known to one of Tunstal's chaplains, Dr. Robert Ridley, prebend of St. Paul's; and he may have been the first individual, who, in writing at least, denounced the Translator by name as well as his invaluable work. Tyndale's frank acknowledgement of his authorship in 1527, made this more generally known; and, the confirmation was completed, by the examinations held before the Bishop of London during the last spring. It was then, too, that one of the ablest scholars, said to be the greatest genius, if not the only wit in all England obtained license from his friend, the bishop, first to read Tyndale, and then to write in reply. Ever since his license in March last, More, as he tells us afterwards, had been busy "night and day," and this year we find him bring out his first controversial publication, consisting of above one hundred and twenty folios, or 250 pages, printed by John Rastell, his brother in-law.

1 On the authority of Erasmus, we are told that Dean Colet thought Sir Thomas More "the only wit in the Island," and "the greatest genius in England."

2 Its original title discovers the importance which was now attached to the exertions of Tyndale. "A dyaloge of Syr Thomas More, knyghte: one of the Counsayll of our Souvrayne Lorde

If, therefore, Tyndale wished to go on with his labours, it had now become more than ever necessary that he should use precautions for the safety of his person and removal from place to place seems to have been one of these. Before, however, adverting to these places, let us first return and mark the course of his engagements.

With regard to the translation of the Old Testament in which Tyndale had for some time been employed, with all the aid which young Fryth was so well fitted to lend, we have now some tangible proof of his progress.

It has been customary to speak of Tyndale's Pentateuch as published in 1530, but this is incorrect. The five books might be afterwards bound up, but originally they were neither printed at the same press, nor published together, but separately. In the order of importation, at least, the account of the creation and the early history of mankind in Genesis, seems to have been followed by Deuteronomy, that compendious repetition or summary of the law, with explanatory additions. At all events before the end of their year 1529, or the 25th of March, 1530, these two books are among those publicly denounced; and those alone under the following titles:-"The Chapters of Moses, called Genesis-the Chapters of Moses, called Deuteronomos." When we come to the spring of 1530, the five books of Moses will be more fully noticed.

During this year, the state of his native land had continued to oppress the mind of Tyndale. However modest and unpretending in his character, as he could not be unacquainted with the great effects produced by what he had already done, so he must have felt that he was raised up for a certain purpose; and that with the progress of events or the condition of his country he must endeavour to keep pace with his pen. The correctness and celerity, as well as power, with which he did so, will appear alike remarkable.

One distinguishing feature of our Translator's character, was loyalty to his King, blended with love to his country. The

the King, and chauncellore of hys duchy of Lancaster. Wheryn be treatyd dyuers maters, as of the veneracyion and worshyp of ymaggs and reliques, praying to sayntis and goynge on pylgrymage. Wyth many other thyngys touchyng the pestylent secte of Luther and Tyndale, by the tone, bygone in Saxony, and by the tother, laboryd to be brought in to England." There was a second edition to which was added: "Newly over sene by the sayd Syr Thomas More, Chauncellour of England, 1530." In his works reprinted, we are told that this Diologue was "made in the year 1528."

VOL. 1.

latter he had discovered by commencing with "the Parable of the unrighteous Mammon," and the former, or rather both, by his next publication, "the Obedience of a Christian man." Deeply interested as he was, however, in the best interests of the reigning monarch, he would not stoop to flatter him, much less wink at the course he now pursued. Hence this year his small publication on the subject of matrimony, and his exposition of 1 Corinthians, vii. chapter. The former, a warning as to its abuse, the latter, illustrative of the sin attending its gross violation-an abounding evil of the age.3

Marriage was then a question of vital importance to the virtue and happiness of his country; dreadfully trampled on and invaded by the priesthood of the day, and now, by the highest authority of the land, in his own person, threatened to be dissolved. It became, therefore, such a man as Tyndale to take up the subject. His voice was solitary indeed, but it had now a power, which, probably, he had never anticipated; it went also through the land, for whatever he now published was sought for and read; and not the less so, that every thing he put forth was so denounced.

Fryth was engaged about this time in translating from the German a small work, entitled, "The Revelation of Antichrist," one of the first books printed in English against the Roman Pontiff. He published it, with a long prefatory epistle and an antithesis at the end, under the assumed name of Richard Brightwell. It was printed " at Malborow, in the land of Hesse, the 12th day of July 1529, by me Hans Luft."

About this period both Tyndale and Fryth had removed from Marburg; and by the month of August, in Antwerp itself, a negociation with Tunstal, respecting books, there took place, which will be narrated presently, after we have noticed other contemporary movements in England.4

3 This exposition had a brief translation from Erasmus prefixed, and is thus entitled, "An exhortation to the diligent study of Scripture, made by Erasmus, Roterodamus, and translated into English. An exposition into the seventh chapter of the first epistle to the Corinthians." This was at first sometimes ascribed to Roye, then at Strasburg; but this was a mistake, as may be seen by the colophon, "At Malborow in the land of Hesse, 1529, xx day of June, by me Hans Luft." 8vo.

4 The well known Conference at MARBURG between Luther and Zwingle, commenced on the 30th of September. Here was a convenient opportunity for Tyndale to have met with both But by that time he was in Antwerp. We make no comment here, but request the reader to observe what is said of Tyndale and such meetings, under 1533.