period. Or, if the governor-general, better advised, had maturely considered the ability, numbers, and inveteracy of his accusers; as well as the very doubtful nature of the ministerial support which he credulously anticipated as certain; and if, instead of injudiciously imposing on himself the difficult task of justifying every separate act of power to which he had recourse during his stay in India, he had put his defence on the general issue of his critical position, which emancipated him from ordinary rules of action; - finally, if he had pleaded his distinguished and successful services to the state, as forming a shield which ought to protect him against party rage, or parliamentary violence;-it seems difficult to suppose that such intrenchments could have been stormed. Pitt himself recognized their strength, in his reply to Lord Hood. After bearing the most ample testimony, not only to his noble friend's private virtues, but to his high professional ability; the minister laboured with no ordinary eloquence to demonstrate, that there did not exist the slightest analogy between Lord Hood's violations of right, or seizure of property, and the crimes laid to the charge of the late governor-general. The former, he said, were dictated by an imperious necessity for the latter, no such defence had HASTINGS.-PITT. 259 been attempted. Having reasoned this point, more as a moralist, or a casuist, than as a statesman; rather in the spirit of Addison, or of Johnson, than as Lord Burleigh, or as his own father, when at the head of the councils of this country, was accustomed to contemplate political objects; Pitt then reverted to Hastings's general merits in the course of his high public employment. "There was, I admit," said he, "a period when such a defence might have been set up; but that time is passed. If, at the commencement of the present enquiry, it had been urged, that whatever faults the late governor-general might have committed, his brilliant and meritorious services effaced or counterbalanced them; the house would have had to weigh his crimes against his virtues. But, at present, we cannot allow any such consideration to operate on our minds. We are deciding, not on general merits or demerits. It is on the criminality or the innocence of a particular transaction that we are called to determine. Mr. Hastings has disclaimed all benefit arising from the consideration of his services. He has declared that he desires no set-off on that score; being persuaded that the very facts on which are founded the charges, when they come to be investigated, will be found entitled to the approbation of this house. After such a voluntary act on his part, ought we to extend a shield between him and enquiry? Still less can we now do it, having proceeded so far in the examination." It is evident that Hastings's imprudence facilitated the means of attacking him with success. If he had followed Lord Clive's example, who, besides being himself in parliament, brought in as his agent, not a military officer, but an able member of the long robe,— he might, like Lord Clive, have escaped impeachment. Pitt virtually and distinctly acknowledged it. But, ought not a wise statesman to have warned of his danger a meritorious public servant, who had saved India? Should he not have informed the governorgeneral on what grounds only he could extend ministerial protection and support? Pitt, on the contrary, allowed him to enter the snare. Posterity will decide on the wisdom, the policy, and the generosity of such a proceeding. Only fifty members, of whom I was one, negatived Mr. Pelham's motion. One hundred and twelve supported it. Dundas spoke and voted with Pitt on that evening: but neither Fox nor Sheridan took any part in the discussion. 28th February-6th March.-The commercial treaty with France, which had occasioned such difference of opinion in the lower house, gave |