cannot be ascertained, since the length of the tibiæ could not be truly measured, and compared with that of the femora, without removing the vestments, and thereby incurring a risk of doing injury to the corpse.

It hath been conjectured, that he obtained the nic name of Longshanks, from a manifest disproportion in the length of his thighs and legs, to that of his body. But, on inspection of the corpse, so far as could be done without removing the robes, no such disproportion was observable. Perhaps, therefore, we may not deviate from truth, should we suppose, with Mr. Sandiford, that such appellation was given to him on account of the height of his stature, and not from any extravagant length either of his thighs or legs.

There is still preserved, in Westminster Abbey, among the figures that compose what is called the ragged regiment, the effigy, which, according to the custom of ancient times, lay upon Edward the First's coffin, during the funeral procession and exequies; and which figure, in all likelihood, was afterwards placed on his tomb, and there continued a considerable time: for Peter Langtoft, who did not survive that monarch above six years, speaking of his death and burial, says,

From Waltham before-said to Westmynster thei him brought, Besides his fadre he is laid, in a tomb well wrought,

Of marble is the stone, and putried there he lies.

The length of the legs in this figure, measuring

from the sole of the foot to the cap of the knee, is twenty-one inches and half. No positive conclusion, however, can be fairly drawn from thence, as to what was the exact stature of King Edward, or as to the proportion which the length of his legs bore to that of the whole, or any particular part of his body; because this figure was certainly made taller than the real stature of the King, as is evident, not only from the before-mentioned mea. sure taken of the royal corpse, but from the cavity of the stone coffin, which is not capable of receiving a body six feet five inches in length. Probably the figure-maker, according to the practice of those times, applying his attention principally to the making a perfect resemblance of the features and visage of the defunct, neglected to model and form the figure to the exact and real height of Edward's

stature.

The apparelling the corpse of the monarch in his royal vestments, accompanied with the ensigns of regality, as before described, is not, on any account, to be considered as a peculiar mark of respect paid to him in contra-distinction to preceding kings, but as being done merely in conformity to usual and ancient custom.

He was, on this occasion, habited more regio,' í. e. in the same manner that the corpses of all other kings, his predecessors, had been dressed, in order to their sepulture and similar, except in some few particulars only, to a mode, or regulation, established by authority, De Exequiis regalibus,

:

A copy of this regulation is entered in the Liber Regalis, immediately after the formulary for the coronation of our English monarchs.

The

I have already mentioned, that, previous to the removal of the top stone of King Edward's tomb, the Dean of Westminster, who was present from the opening to the shutting it up, had taken every possible precaution that no damage might be done, either to the royal body or its sarcophagus. like vigilance was observed by him, during the time the coffin continued open; so that the corpse did not receive the least violation or injury; neither was it despoiled of any of its vestments, regalia, or ornaments. On the contrary, all things were suffered to remain in the same condition, situation, and place, wherein they were found. After the spectators had taken a sufficient view, the top of the coffin, and the covering stone of the tomb, were restored to their proper places, and fastened down by a strong cement of terrice, before the Dean retired from the chapel.

UNPUBLISHED PARTICULARS CONNECTED WITH THE RESIGNATION OF THE CROWN OF ENGLAND TO THE POPE, BY KING JOHN.

(From a Manuscript in the French National Library, by F. I. G. de la Porte du Theil.)

THE manuscript, of which M. du Theil treats, is a collection of the state papers and other diplomatic

concerns of Pope Innocent II. The particular matter relating to our present subject, is the real object of the embassy of Rob. de Courçon to France.

To understand properly, (says Monsieur Porte du Theil,) the real view of the embassy of Robert, what reasons the Pope had for sending him, and what instructions were probably given him; it is necessary to state clearly what was, at this era, the situation of France and England. I shall not enlarge upon the state of things in general; it is known to every body. I shall only mention some particularities, neglected by modern historians, which serve to explain in a better light that grand denouement of affairs and cabals, through which King John was reduced to the necessity of putting himself entirely at the mercy of the Pope. Situation of John, King of England, after the year

1212.

Innocent had dictated the terms and conditions upon which he consented to restore his favour to King John, against whom he had been so virulent, and addressed them to his Nuncios, Pandolph and Durand, February 27, 1213.

John, passive under the influence of fear, accepted these terms and conditions, as severe as dishonourable, and by an act, dated 13th of May, engaged to execute them faithfully. Upon the day after the morrow, by another act equally solemn, he acknowledged himself to be a vassal

and tributary of the Holy See, and assured the Pope of his eternal fidelity. Upon the 24th of the same month, he recalled the exiled prelates, who had originally raised against him the tempest to which he was compelled to submit.

Whilst this prince, worthy in so many respects of the infamy with which he voluntarily loaded his memory, resolved upon such sacrifices to reconcile himself with the Pope, he took the most regular measures to be revenged of the King of France.

From the middle of the preceding year, 1212, he had negociated with Otho, that other memorable example of the power, creative and destructive, which Innocent exercised over the sovereigns of Europe; and had sent to that emperor, deposed and excommunicated like himself, ambassadors charged to bind strong the ties of interest, which, independent of relationship, united for a long time these unfortunate princes.

Otho, the implacable enemy of Philip (King of France), charmed with this overture, had engaged the Count de Boulogne, Renaud de Dammartin, to adopt the party of the King of England. At his solicitation, the Count had crossed the sea, had promised John to obey his orders, had publicly made homage to him, and had sworn not to make, without John's consent, any peace, or truce, either with Philip, or Lewis, the Dauphin. He had given, as hostages, his wife, and many of his vassal lords.