there is a tendency in nature to belittle her productions." The Abbe Raynal, in a former edition of his works, fuppofed this belittling tendency, or influence, had its effects on the race of whites transplanted from Europe, and thence had the prefumption to affert, that "America had not yet produced one good poet, one able mathematician, nor one man of genius, in a fingle art or fcience." Had the Abbe been juftly informed refpecting the Americans, we prefume he would not have made an affertion fo ungenerous and injurious to their genius and literary character. This affertion drew from Mr. Jefferfon the following reply:

"When we shall have exifted as a people as long as the Greeks did before they produced a Homer, the Romans a Virgil, the French a Racine and Voltaire, the English a Shakespeare and Milton, fhould this reproach be ftill true, we will inquire from what unfriendly caufes it has proceeded, that the other countries of Europe and quarters of the earth, fhall not have infcribed any name in the roll of poets. In war we have produced a Washington, whofe memory will be adored while liberty fhall have votaries, whofe name will triumph over time, and will in future ages affume its juft ftation among the most celebrated worthies of the world, when that wretched philofophy fhall be forgotten, which would arrange him among the degeneracies of nature. In phyfics we have produced a Franklin, than whom no one of the prefent age has made more important difcoveries, nor has enriched philofophy with more, or more ingenious folutions of the phænomena of nature. We have fuppofed Mr. Rittenhouse second to no aftronomer living: that in genius he must be the first, because he is felf-taught. As an artist, he has exhibited as great proofs of mechanical genius as the world has ever produced.—He has not indeed made a world; but he has, by imitation, approached nearer its Maker than any man who has lived from the creation to this day. As in philofophy and war, so in government, in oratory, in painting, in the plaftic art, we might fhew that America, though but a child of yesterday, has already given hopeful proofs of genius, as well of the nobler kinds, which aroufe the beft feelings of man, which call him into action, which fubftantiate his freedom, and conduct him to happinefs, as of the fubordinate, which ferve to amufe him only. We therefore fuppofe, that this reproach is as unjust as it is unkind; and that, of the geniufes which adorn the prefent age, America contributes its full fhare. For comparing it with thofe countries, where genius is moft cultivated, where are the most excellent models for art, and scaffoldings for the attainment of science, as France and England, for inftance, we calculate thus: the United States contain three millions of inhabitants, France twenty millions, and the British iflands ten. We produce a Washington, a Frapk

lin,

lin, a Rittenhoufe. France then should have half a dozen in each of thefe lines, and Great Britain half that number equally eminent. It may be true that France has; we are but juft becoming acquainted with her, and our acquaintance fo far gives us high ideas of the genius of her inhabitants. It would be injuring too many of them to name particularly a Voltaire, a Buffon, the conftellation of Encyclopedifts, the Abbe Raynal, himself, &c. &c. We therefore have reafon to believe she can produce her full quota of genius."

The two late important revolutions in America, which have been fcarcely exceeded fince the memory of man, I mean that of the declaration and establishment of independence, and that of the adoption of a new form of government without bloodshed, have called to hiftoric fame many noble and diftinguished characters who might otherwise have slept in oblivion.

But while we exhibit the fair fide of the character of the FEDERAL AMERICANS, we would not be thought blind to their faults.

"If there be an object truly ridiculous in nature, it is an American patriot, figning refolutions of independency with one hand, and with the other brandishing a whip over his affrighted flaves."

Much has been written to fhew the injustice and iniquity of enflaving the Africans; fo much, as to render it unnecessary here to fay any thing on that part of the subject. We cannot, however, forbear introducing a few obfervations refpecting the influence of flavery upon policy, morals, and manners. From calculations on the subject, it has been found, that the expence of maintaining a flave, especially if the purchase money be included, is much greater than that of maintaining a free man: this, however, is difputed by fome; but suppose the expence in both cafes be equal, it is certain that the labour of the free man, influenced by the powerful motive of gain, is, at least, twice as profitable to the employer as that of the flave. Befides, flavery is the bane of industry. It renders labour, among the whites, not only unfashionable, but difreputable. Induftry is the offspring of neceffity rather than of choice. Slavery precludes this neceffity; and indolence, which strikes at the root of all focial and political happiness, is the unhappy confequence. Thefe obfervations, without adding any thing upon the injuftice of the practice, fhew that flavery is impolitic.

Its influence on manners and morals is equally pernicious. The negro wenches, in many inftances, are nurses to their miftreffes children. The infant babe, as foon as it is born, is delivered to its black nurfe, and perhaps feldom or never tastes a drop of its mother's milk. The children, by being brought up, and conftantly affociating with the negroes, too often

4

often imbibe their low ideas, and vitiated manners and morals, and contract a negrois kind of accent and dialect, which they often carry with them through life.

To thefe I fhall add the observations of a native* of a state which contains a greater number of flaves than any of the others. Although his obfervations upon the influence of flavery were intended for a particular state, they will apply equally well to all places where this pernicious practice in any confiderable degree prevails.

"There must doubtlefs," he obferves, "be an unhappy influence on the manners of our people, produced by the existence of flavery among us. The whole commerce between master and flave is a perpetual exercife of the most boisterous paffions, the moft unremitting defpotifm on the one part, and degrading fubmiffions on the other. Our children fee this, and learn to imitate it; for man is an imitative animal. This quality is the germ of all education in him. From his cradle to his grave, he is learning to do what he fees others do. If a parent could find no motive either in his philanthropy or his felf-love, for restraining the intemperance of a paffion towards his flave, it fhould always be a fufficient one, that his child is prefent. But generally it is not fufficient. The parent ftorms, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the fame airs in the circle of smaller flaves, gives a loose to his worst of paffions, and thus nurfed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, cannot but be ftamped by it with odious peculiarities. The man must be a prodigy who can retain his manners and morals undepraved by fuch circumstances. And with what execration should the statesman be loaded, who, permitting one half of the citizens thus to trample on the rights of the other, transforms thofe into defpots, and thefe into enemies; destroys the morals of the one part, and the amor patria of the other. For if a flave can have a country in this world, it must be any other in preference to that in which he is born to live and labour for another: in which he muft lock up the faculties of his nature, contribute, as far as depends on his individual endeavour, to the evanishment of the human race, or entail his own miferable condition on the endless generations proceeding from him. With the morals of the people, their industry also is destroyed. For in a warm climate, no man will labour for himself who can make another labour for him. This is fo true, that of the proprietors of flaves a very fmall proportion indeed are ever seen to labour. And can the liberties of a nation be thought fecure when we have removed their only firm bafis, a conviction in the minds of

* Mr. Jefferson.

the

the people that these liberties are the gift of God? That they are not to be violated but with his wrath? Indeed I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just that his justice cannot fleep for ever: that confidering numbers, nature, and natural means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an exchange of fituation, is Saitong poffible events that it may become probable by fupernatural inference!-The Almighty has no attribute which can take fide with us in fuch a conteft. But it is impoffible to be temperate and to purfue this fubject through the various confiderations of policy, of morals, of history, natural and civil. We must be contented to hope they will force their way into every one's mind. I think a change already perceptible, fince the origin of the prefent revolution. The fpirit of the master is abating, that of the flave rifing from the duft, his condition mollifying, the way I hope preparing, under the aufpices of Heaven, for a total emancipation, and that this is difpofed, in the order of events, to be with the confent of their mafters, rather than by their extirpation."

Under the Federal government, from the meafures already adopted, we have reafon to believe that all flaves in the United States, will in time be emancipated, in a manner moft confiftent with their own happinefs, and the true intereft of their proprietors. Whether this will be effected by tranfporting them back to Africa; or by colonizing them in fome part of the American territory, and extending to them their alliance and protection, until they fhall have acquired ftrength fufficient for their own defence; or by incorporation with the whites; or in fome other way, remains to be determined.

In the middle and northern States, there are comparatively but few flaves; and of course there is lefs difficulty in giving them their free dom. In Maffachusetts alone, and we mention it to their diftinguished honour, there are NONE. Societies for the manumiffion of flaves have been inftituted in Philadelphia New York, and other places, and laws have been enacted, and other measures taken, in the New England States, to accomplish the fame purpose. The FRIENDS, commonly call Quakers, have evinced the propriety of their name, by their goodnefs in originating, and their vigorcus exertions in executing, this truly humane and benevolent defign.

The English Language is univerfally fpoken in the United Sates, and in it business is tranfacted, and the records are kept. It is spoken with great purity, and pronounced with propriety in New England, by perfons of education; and, excepting fome few corruptions in pronunciation, by all ranks of people. In the middle and fouthern States, where they have had a great influx of foreigners, the language, in many inftances, is cor

rupted

rupted, especially in pronunciation. Attempts are making to introduce an uniformity of pronunciation throughout the States, which for political, as well as other, reafons, it is hoped will meet the approbation and encouragement of all literary and influential characters.

Intermingled with the Americans, are the Dutch, Scotch, Irish, French, Germans, Swedes, and Jews; all thefe, except the Scotch and Irish, retain in a greater or lefs degree, their native language, in which they perform their public worship, converfe and tranfact their business with

each other.

The time, however, is anticipated, when all improper diftinctions shall be abolished; and when the language, manners, cuftoms, political and religious fentiments of the mixed mass of people who inhabit the United States, fhall become fo affimilated, as that all nominal distinctions shall be loft in the general and honourable name of AMERICANS,

GOVERNMENT.

UNTIL the fourth of July, 1776, the prefent United States were British colonies. On that memorable day, the Reprefentatives of the United States of America, in Congrefs affembled, made a folemn declaration, in which they affigned their reafons for withdrawing their allegiance from the King of Great Britain. Appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of their intentions, they did, in the name and by the authority of the good people of the colonies, folemnly publish and declare, That thefe United Colonies were, and of right ought to be, Free and Independent States; that they were abfolved from all allegi ance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and Great Britain, was, and ought to be, totally diffolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they had full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and do all other acts and things, which Independent States may of right do. For the fupport of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, the delegates then in Congrefs, fifty-five in number, mutually pledged to each other their lives, their fortunes, and their facred honour.

At the fame time they published articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union between the States, in which they took the title of "The United States of America," and agreed, that each State should retain its fovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, not expressly delegated to Congress by the confederation. By thefe articles, the Thirteen United States feverally entered into a firm league of friendship with each other for their common defence, the feYOL, I.

Ee

curity