loyal as any fubjects the King has, but a people jealous of their liberties, and who will vindicate them, if ever they should be violated: but the fubject is too delicate-I will fay no more."

During the debate on the bill, the fupporters of it infifted much on the Colonies being virtually reprefented in the fame manner as Leeds, Halifax, and fome other towns were. A recurrence to this plea was a virtual acknowledgement, that there ought not to be taxation without representation. It was replied, that the connexion between the electors and non-clectors, of Parliament in Great Britain was fo interwoven, from both being equally liable to pay the fame common tax, as to give fome fecurity of property to the latter; but with respect to taxes laid by the British Parliament, and paid by the Americans, the fituation of the parties was reverfed. Instead of both parties bearing a proportionable fhare of the fame common burden, what was laid on the one, was exactly fo much taken off from the other,

The bill met with no oppofition in the House of Lords, and on the 22d of March, 1765, it received the royal affent. The night after it paffed, Dr. Franklin, wrote to Mr. Charles Thomson, "The fun of liberty is fet, you must light up the candles of industry and economy." Mr. Thomson anfwered, "He was apprehenfive that other lights would be the confequence," and foretold the oppofition that shortly took place. On its being fuggefted from authority, that the ftamp officers would not be fent from Great Britain; but felected from among the Americans, the Colony agents were defired to point out proper persons for the purpofe. They generally nominated their friends, which affords a prefumptive proof, that they fuppofed the act would have gone down. In this opinion they were far from being fingular. That the Colonists would be ultimately obliged to fubmit to the ftamp act, was at firft commonly believed, both in England and America, The framers of it, in particular, flattered themselves that the confufion which would arise upon the difufe of writings, and the infecurity of property, which would refult from ufing any other than that required by law, would compel the Colonies, however reluctant, to ufe the ftamp paper, and confequently to pay the taxes impofed thereon: they therefore boasted that it was a law which would execute itself. By the terms of the stamp act, it was not to take effect till the first day of November, a period of more than feven months after its paffing. This gave the Colonifts an opportunity for leifurely canvaffing the new fubject, and examining it fully on every fide, In the first part of this interval, ftruck with aftonishment, they lay in filent confternation, and could not determine what courfe to purfue. By

degrees

degrees they recovered their recollection. Virginia led the way in oppofition to the ftamp act. Mr. Patrick Henry brought into the House of Burgeffes of that Colony, the following refolutions, which were fubftantially adopted:

Refolved, That the first adventurers, fettlers of this his Majefty's Colony and dominion of Virginia, brought with them and tranfmitted to their posterity, and all other his Majesty's subjects, fince inhabiting in this his Majefty's faid Colony, all the liberties, privileges, and immunities that have at any time been held, enjoyed, and poffeffed by the people of Great Britain.

Refolved, That by two royal charters, granted by King James the First, the Colonies aforefaid are declared, and entitled to all liberties, privileges, and immunities of denizens, and natural fubjects, to all intents and purposes as if they had been abiding, and born within the realm of England.

Refolved, That his Majefty's liege people, of this his ancient colony, have enjoyed the rights of being thus governed by their own assembly, in the article of taxes, and internal police, and that the fame have never been forfeited, or yielded up, but have been constantly recognized by the king and people of Britain.

Refolved, therefore, That the general affembly of this Colony, together with his Majefty, or his fubftitutes, have, in their reprefentative capacity, the only exclufive right and power, to lay taxes and imposts upon the inhabitants of this Colony, and that every attempt to vest such power in any other perfon or perfons whatfoever, than the general affembly aforefaid, is illegal, and unconstitutional, and unjust, and hath a manifest tendency to deftroy British, as well as American liberty.

Refolved, That his Majefty's liege people, the inhabitants of this Colony, are not bound to yield obedience to any law or ordinance whatever, defigned to impofe any taxation whatever upon them, other than the laws or ordinances of the general affembly aforefaid.

Refolved, That any perfon, who fhall, by fpeaking or writing, affert or maintain, that any perfon or perfons, other than the general affembly of this Colony, have any right or power to impose, or lay any taxation on the people here, shall be deemed an enemy to this his Majesty's Colony.

Upon reading these refolutions, the boldness and novelty of them affected one of the members to fuch a degree, that he cried out, "Treafon! Treafon!" They were, nevertheless, well received by the people, and immediately forwarded to the other provinces. They cir

culated

culated extenfively, and gave a spring to all the difcontented. Till they appeared, moft were of opinion, that the act would be quietly adopted. Murmurs, indeed, were common, but they seemed to be fuch, as would foon die away. The countenance of fo refpectable a Colony as Virginia, confirmed the wavering, and emboldened the timid. Oppofition to the ftamp act, from that period, affumed a bolder face. The fire of liberty blazed forth from the prefs; fome well-judged publications fet the rights of the Colonists in a plain, but Atrong point of view. The tongues and the pens of the well-informed citizens laboured in kindling the latent fparks of patriotifin. The flame fpread from breast to breaft, till the conflagration became general. In this bufinefs, New-England had a principal fhare. The inhabitants of that part of America, in particular, confidered their obligations to the mother-country for paft favours, to be very inconfiderable. They were fully informed, that their forefathers were driven by perfecution to the woods of America, and had there, without any expence to the parent ftate, effected a fettlement amidst rude creation. Their refentment for the invasion of their accustomed right of taxation was not fo much mitigated by the recollection of late favours, as it was heightened by the tradition of grievous fufferings, to which their ancestors, by the rulers of England, had been fubjected. The defcendants of the exiled, perfecuted, Puritans, of the laft century, oppofed the stamp act with the fame fpirit with which their forefathers were actuated, when they fet themselves against the arbitrary impofitions of the house of Stuart.

The heavy burdens, which the operation of the ftamp act would have impofed on the Colonifts, together with the precedent it would establish of future exactions, furnished the American patriots with arguments, calculated as well to move the paffions, as to convince the judgments of their Fellow Colonifts. In great warmth they exclaimed, "If the Parliament has a right to level the ftamp duties, they may, by the fame authority, lay on us impofts, excifes, and other taxes, without end, till their rapacity is fatisfied, or our abilities are exhausted. We cannot at future elections, difplace these men, who fo lavishly grant away our property. Their feats and their power are independent of us, and it will reft with their generofity where to ftop, in transferring the expences of government from their own to our shoulders."

It was fortunate for the liberties of America, that news-papers were the fubject of a heavy ftamp duty. Printers, when uninfluenced by government, have generally arranged themselves on the fide of liberty,

nor are they lefs remarkable for attention to the profits of their proJeffion. A ftamp duty, which openly invaded the first, and threatened a great diminution of the laft, provoked their united zealous oppofition. They daily prefented to the public, original differtations, tending to prove, that if the ftamp act was fuffered to operate, the liberties of America were at an end, and their property virtually transferred to their Trans-Atlantic fellow-fubjects. The writers among the Americans, seriously alarmed for the fate of their country, came forward, with effays, to prove, that agreeable to the British Conftitution, taxation and reprefentation were infeparable, that the only conftitutional mode of raifing money from the Colonists was by acts of their own legiflatures, that the Crown poffeffed no farther power than that of requifition, and that the parliamentary right of taxation was confined to the Mother Country, and there originated, from the natural right of man, to do what he pleased with his own, transferred by confent from the electors of Great Britain to those whom they chose to represent them in parliament. They alfo infifted much on the mifapplication of public money by the British miniftry. Great pains were taken to inform the Colonists of the large fums annually beftowed on penfioned favourites, and for the various purposes of bribery. Their paffions were enflamed by high-coloured representations of the hardship of being obliged to pay the earnings of their industry into a British treasury, well known to be a fund for corruption.

The writers on the American fide were opposed by arguments, drawn from the unity of the Empire; the neceffity of one fupreme head, the unlimited power of parliament, and the great numbers in the Mother Country, who, though legally difqualified from voting at elections, 'were, nevertheless, bound to pay the taxes impofed by the reprefentatives of the nation. To the fe objections it was replied, that the very idea of fubordination of parts excluded the notion of fimple, undivided unity. That as England was the head, fhe could not be the head and the members too-that in all extenfive empires, where the dead uniformity of fervitude did not prevent, the fubordinate parts had many local privileges and immunities-that between these privileges and the fupreme common authority, the line was extremely nice; but neverthelefs, the fupremacy of the head had an ample field of exercise, without arrogating to itself the difpofal of the property of the unreprefented fubordinate parts. To the affertion, that the power of parliament was unlimited, the Colonifts replied, that before it could conftitutionally exercise that power, it must be conftitutionally formed, and that, therefore, it must at least, in one of its branches, be constituted by the VOL, I.

3 K

peo

ple

ple over whom it exercised unlimited power. That with respect to Great Britain, it was fo conftituted-with respect to America it was not. They therefore inferred, that its power ought not to be the fame over both countries. They argued alfe, that the delegation of the people was the fource of power in regard to taxation, and as that delega tion was wanting in America, they concluded, the right of parliament to grant away their property could not exist. That the defective representation in Great Britain fhould be urged as an argument for taxing the Americans, without any reprefentation at all, proved the incroaching nature of power. Inftead of convincing the Colonists of the propriety of their fubmiffion, it demonftrated the wifdom of their refiftance; for, faid they, "one invafion of natural right is made the justification of another, much more injurious and oppressive.”

The advocates for parliamentary taxation laid great stress on the rights, fuppofed to accrue to Great Britian, on the fcore of her having reared up and protected the English fettlements in America at great expence. It was, on the other hand, contended by the Colonists, that in all the wars which were common to both countries, they had taken their full share, but in all their own dangers, in all the difficul ties belonging separately to their fituation, which did not immediately concern Great Britain, they were left to themselves, and had to ftrug. gle through a hard infancy; and in particular, to defend themselves, without any aid from the Parent State, against the numerous favages in their vicinity. That when France had made war upon them, it was not on their own account, but as appendages to Great Britain. That confining their trade for the exclufive benefit of the Parent Sate, was an ample compenfation for her protection, and a fufficient equivalent for their exemption from parliamentary taxation. That the taxes imposed on the inhabitants of Great Britain were incorporated with their manufactures, and ultimately fell on the Colonifts, who were the con fumers.

The advocates for the ftamp act also contended, that as the Parlia ment was charged with the defence of the Colonies, it ought to poffefs the means of defraying the expences incurred thereby. The fame ar gument had been used by King Charles the First, in fupport of fhip money; and it was now answered in the fame manner, as it was by the patriots of that day. "That the people who were defended or protected were the fittest to judge of and to provide the means of defraying the expences incurred on that account." In the mean time, the minds of the Americans underwent a total transformation. Inftead of their late peaceable and steady attachment to the British nation, they were daily

advancing