large quantities of coarfe and common cloaths were brought to marketj and thefe, though dearer, and of a worfe quality, were cheerfully pre ferred to fimilar articles imported from Britain. That wool might not be wanting, they entered into refolutions to abstain from eating lambs: Foreign elegancies were generally laid afide. The women were aš exemplary as the men in various instances of felf-denial. With great readiness, they refufed every article of decoration for their perfons; and of luxury for their tables. These reftrictions, which the Colonists had voluntarily imposed on themselves, were fo well obferved, that multitudes of artificers in England were reduced to great diftress, and fome of their most flourishing manufactories were, in a great measure, at a stand. An affociation was entered into by many of the fons of liberty, the name given to those who were opposed to the ftamp act, by which they agreed to march with the utmost expedition, at their own proper coft and expence, with their whole force, to the relief of those that should be in danger from the stamp act, of its promoters and abettors, or any thing relative to it, on account of any thing that may have been done in oppofition to its obtaining." This was fubfcribed by fo many in New York and New England, that nothing but a repeal could have prevented the immediate commencement of a civil war.

From the decided oppofition to the ftamp act, which had been adopted by the Colonies, it became neceffary for Great Britain to enforce or repeal it. Both methods of proceeding had fupporters. The opposers of a repeal urged arguments, drawn from the dignity of the mation, the danger of giving way to the clamours of the Americans, and the confequences of weakening parliamentary authority over the Colonies. On the other hand, it was evident, from the determined oppofition of the Colonies, that it could not be enforced without a civil war, by which, in every event, the nation must be a loffer. In the course of these difcuffions, Dr. Franklin was examined at the bar of the House of Commons, and gave extenfive information on the state of American affairs, and the impolicy of the stamp act, which contributed much to remove prejudices, and to produce a difpofition that was friendly to a repeal.

Some speakers of great weight, in both Houfes of Parliament, de nied their right of taxing the Colonies. The moft diftinguifhed fupporters of this opinion were Lord Camden in the Houfe of Peers, and Mr. Pitt in the Houfe of Commons. The former, in ftrong language, faid, "My pofition is this, I repeat it, I will maintain it to my laft hour. Taxation and reprefentation are infeparable. This pofition is founded on the laws of nature. It is more, it is itself an eternal law

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of nature. For whatever is a man's own is abfolutely his own. No man has a right to take it from him without his confent. Whoever attempts to do it, attempts an injury; whoever does it, commits a robbery." Mr. Pitt, with an original boldnefs of expreffion, juftified the Colonists in oppofing the ftamp act. "You have no right," said he, "to tax America. I rejoice that America has refifted. Three millions of our fellow fubjects fo loft to every sense of virtue, as tamely to give up their liberties, would be fit inftruments to make flaves of the reft." He concluded with giving his advice, that the stamp act be repealed abfolutely, totally, and immediately, that the reason for the repeal be assigned, that it was founded on an erroneous principle. “At the fame time," faid he, "let the fovereign authority of this country over the Colonies, be afferted in as strong terms as can be devised, and be made to extend to every point of legislation whatsoever; that we may bind their trade, confine their manufactures, and exercife every power, except that of taking their money out of their pockets without their confent." The approbation of this illustrious statesman, whose distinguished abilities had raised Great Britain to the highest pitch of renown, infpired the Americans with additional confidence, in the rectitude of their claims of exemption from parliamentary taxation, and emboldened them to farther oppofition, when at a future day, as shall be hereafter related, the project of an American revenue was resumed. After much debating, and two protefts in the House of Lords, and paffing an act "for fecuring the dependence of America on Great Britain," the repeal of the ftamp act was finally carried March 18, 1766. This event gave great joy in London. Ships in the river Thames dif played their colours, and houses were illuminated all over the city. It was no fooner known in America, than the Colonists refcinded their refolutions, and recommenced their mercantile intercourfe with the Mother Country. They prefented their homefpun cloaths to the poor, and imported more largely than ever. The churches refounded with thanksgivings, and their public and private rejoicings knew no bounds. By letters, addreffes, and other means, almost all the Colonies fhewed unequivocal marks of acknowledgement and gratitude. So fudden a calm recovered after fo violent a ftorm, is without a parallel in hiftory. By the judicious facrifice of one law, the parliament of Great Britain procured an acquiefcence in all that remained.

There were enlightened patriots, fully impreffed with an idea, that the immoderate joy of the Colonists was difproportioned to the advantage they had gained.

The stamp act, though repealed, was not repealed on American prinVOL. I.

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ciples. The preamble affigned as the reafon thereof, "That the collecting the feveral duties and revenues, as by the faid act was directed, would be attended with many inconveniencies, and productive of confequences dangerous to the commercial interests of these kingdoms." Though this reafon was a good one in England, it was by no means fatisfactory in America. At the fame time that the stamp act was repealed, the abfolute, unlimited fupremacy of parliament was, in words, afferted. The oppofers of the repeal contended for this as effential, the friends of that meafure acquiefced in it to ftrengthen their party, and make sure of their object. Many of both fides though, that the dignity of Great Britain required fomething of the kind to counterba lance the lofs of authority, that might refult from her yielding to the clamours of the Colonifts. The act for this purpofe was called the Declaratory Act, and was in principle more hoftile to American rights than the ftamp act; for it annulled those refolutions and acts of the Provincial Affemblies, in which they had afferted their right to exemption from all taxes, not imposed by their own representatives; and also enacted, "That the parliament had, and of right ought to have, power to bind the Colonies, in all cafes whatsoever."

The bulk of the Americans, intoxicated with the advantage they had gained, overlooked this ftatute, which, in one comprehenfive fentence, not only deprived them of liberty and property, but of every right incident to humanity. They confidered it as a falvo for the honour of parliament, in repealing an act, which had fo lately received their fanction, and flattered themselves it would remain a dead letter, and that although the right of taxation was in words retained, it would never be exercised. Unwilling to contend about paper claims of ideal fupremacy, they returned to their habits of good humour with the Parent State.

The repeal of the stamp act, in a relative connection with all its cireumstances and confequences, was the first direct step to American independency. The claims of the two countries were not only left undecided, but a foundation was laid for their extending at a future period, to the impoffibility of a compromife. Though for the present Great Britain receded from enforcing her claim of American revenue, a numerous party, adhering to that fyftem, referved themselves for more favourable circumftances to enforce it; and at the fame time the Colonists, more enlightened on the subject, and more fully convinced of the rectitude of their claims, were encouraged to oppofe it, under whatsoever form it should appear, or under whatfoever disguise it Thould cover itfelf.

Elevated

Elevated with the advantage they had gained, from that day for ward, instead of feeling themselves dependent on Great Britain, they conceived that, in refpect to commerce, fhe was dependent on them. It infpired them with fuch high ideas of the importance of their trade, that they confidered the Mother Country to be brought under greater obligations to them, for purchafing her manufactures, than they were to her for protection and the administration of civil government. The Freemen of British America, impreffed with the exalting fentiments of patriotifm and of liberty, conceived it to be within their power, by future combinations, at any time to convulfe, if not to bankrupt, the nation from which they fprung.

Opinions of this kind were strengthened by their local fituation, favouring ideas, as extenfive as the unexplored continent of which they were inhabitants. While the pride of Britons revolted at the thought of their Colonies refufing subjection to that Parliament which they obeyed, the Americans with equal haughtiness exclaimed "shall the petty island of Great Britain, scarce a speck on the map of the world, controul the free citizens of the great continent of America ?"

These high founding pretenfions would have been harmless, or at moft, spent themselves in words, had not a ruinous policy, untaught by recent experience, called them into ferious action. Though the stamp act was repealed, an American revenue was still a favourite object with many in Great Britain. The equity and the advantage of taxing the Colonists by parliamentary authority were very apparent to their underftandings, but the mode of effecting it, without hazarding the public tranquility, was not fo obvious, Mr. Charles Townfend, afterwards Chancellor of the Exchequer, pawned his credit, to, accomplish what many fo earnestly defired. He accordingly brought into parliament, in 1767, a bill for granting duties in the British Colonies on glass, paper, painters colours, and tea, which was afterwards enacted into a law. If the fmall duties imposed on these articles had preceded the ftamp act, they might have paffed unobferved: but the late difcuffions occafioned by that act, had produced amongst the Colonists, not only an animated conviction of their exemption from parliamentary taxation, but a jealousy of the defigns of Great Britain. The fentiments of the Americans on this fubject bore a great refemblance to those of their British countrymen of the preceding century, in the case of ship money, The amount of that tax was very moderate, little exceeding twenty thousand pounds. It was diftributed upon the people with equality, and expended for the honour and advantage of the kingdom, yet all these circumstances could not reconcile the people 3L2

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of England to the impofition. It was entirely arbitrary. «By the fame right," faid they, "any other tax may be impofed." In like manner the Americans confidered thefe fmall duties in the nature of an entering wedge, defigned to make way for others, which would be greater and heavier. In a relative connection with late acts of Parliament, refpecting domeftic manufactures and foreign commerce, laws for impofing taxes on British commodities exported to the Colonies, formed a complete circle of oppreffion, from which there was no poffibility of efcaping. The Colonists had been, previously, reftrained from manufacturing certain articles for their own confumption. Other acts confined them to the exclufive use of British merchandize. The addition of duties put them wholly in the power and discretion of Creat Britain; "We are not," faid they, "permitted to import from any nation, other than our own Parent State, and have been in fome cases by her reftrained from manufacturing for ourfelves, and fhe claims a right to do fo in every inftance which is incompatible with her intereft. To these reftrictions we have hitherto fubmitted, but she now rifes in her demands, and imposes duties on those commodities, the purchafing of which, elsewhere than at her market, her law forbids, and the manufacturing of which for our own ufe, the may, any moment the pleases, reftrain. If her right is valid to lay a fmall tax, it is equally fo to lay a large one, for from the nature of the case, she muft be guided exclufively by her own opinions of our ability, and of the propriety of the duties fhe may impofe. Nothing is left for us but to complain and pay." They contended that there was no real difference between the principle of these new duties and the stamp act, they were both defigned to raise a revenue in America, and in the fame manner. The payment of the duties impofed by the stamp act, might have been eluded by the total difufe of ftamped paper, and fo might the payment of thefe duties, by the total difufe of thofe articles on which they were laid, but in neither cafe, without great difficulty. The Colonists were therefore reduced to the hard alternative of being obliged totally to difufe articles of the greatest neceffity in human life, or to pay a tax without their confent. The fire of oppofition, which had been fmothered by the repeal of the ftamp act, burned afresh against the fame principle of taxation, exhibited in its new form. Mr. Dickenfon, of Pennsylvania, on this occafion prefented to the public a feries of letters figned the Farmer, proving the extreme danger which threatened the liberties of America, from their acquiefcence in a precedent which might establish the claim of parliamentary taxation. They were written with great animation, and were read with un

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