that Colony, ought to be before his Majefty's courts within the faid Colony; and that the feizing any perfon refiding in the faid Colony, fufpected of any crime whatfoever committed therein, and fending fuch perfon to places beyond the fea to be tried, was highly derogatory of the rights of British fubjects." The next day Lord Botetourt, the governor of Virginia, fent for the House of Burgeffes and addreffed them as follows: "Mr. Speaker and gentlemen of the House of Burgeffes, I have heard of your refolves, and augur ill of their effects. You have made it my duty to diffolve you, and you are diffolved accordingly."

The Affembly of North-Carolina adopted refolutions, fimilar to thofe of Virginia, for which Tyron their governor diffolved them. The members of the Houfe of Burgeffes in Virginia, and of the Affembly of North-Carolina, after their diffolution, met as private gentlemen, chofe their late fpeakers moderators, and adopted refolutions against importing British goods. The non-importation agreement was in this manner forwarded by the very meafures which were intended to curb the fpirit of American freedom, from which it fprung. Meetings of the affociators were regularly held in the various provinces. Committees were appointed to examine all veffels arriving from Britain. Cer fures were freely paffed on fuch as refused to concur in these affociations, and their names published in the newspapers as enemies to their country. The regular acts of the Provincial Assemblies were not so much refpected and obeyed as the decrees of these committees, the affociations were in general, as well obferved as could be expected, notwithstanding there were fome collufions. The fear of mobs, of public refentment and contempt, co-operating with patriotifm, preponderated over private intereft and convenience. One of the importing merchants of Boston, who hefitated in his compliance with the determination of the inhabitants, was waited upon by a committee of tradesmen, with an axeman and carpenter at their head, who informed him, "that one thoufand men were waiting for his answer, and that if he refused to comply, they could not tell what might be the confequence." He complied, and the newspapers foon after published, that he did it voluntarily.

In Bofton, Lieut. Governor Hutchinfon endeavoured to promote a counter affociation, but without effect. The friends of importation objected, that till Parliament made provifion for the punishment of the confederacies against importation, a counter-affociation would anfwer no other purpose, than to expofe the affociators to popular rage.

The Bostonians, about this time, went one ftep farther. They rehipped goods to Great Britain, inftead of ftoring them as formerly. This was refolved upon in a town meeting, on the information of an inhabitant,

3

inhabitant, who communicated a letter that he had lately received from a Member of Parliament, in which it was faid, "that shipping back ten thousand pounds worth of goods would do more than storing a hundred thoufand." This turned the fcale, and procured a majority of votes for re-fhipping. Not only in this, but in many other inftances, the violences of the Colonists were foftered by individuals in Great Britain. A number of thefe were in principle with the Americans, in denying the right of Parliament to tax them, but others were more influenced by a spirit of oppofition to the minifterial majority, than by a regard to the conftitutional liberties of either country.

The non-importation agreement had now lafted fome time, and by degrees had become general. Several of the colonial affemblies had been diffolved, or prorogued, for afferting the rights of their conftituents. The royal governors, and other friends to an American revenue, were chagrined. The Colonists were irritated. Good men, both in England and America, deplored thefe untoward events, and beheld with concern an increafing ill humour between those, who were bound by intereft and affection to be friends to each other.

In confequence of the American non-importation agreement, founded in oppofition to the duties in 1767, the manufacturers of Great Britain experienced a renewal of the diftreffes, which followed the adoption of fimilar refolutions in the year 1765, the repeal of these duties was therefore folicited by the fame influence, which had procured the repeal of the ftamp act. The rulers of Great Britain acted without decifion. Instead of perfevering in their own fyftem of coercion, or indeed in any one uniform fyftem of colonial government, they ftruck out a middle line, embarraffed with the confequences, both of severity and of lenity, and which was without the complete benefits of either. Soon after the fpirited addrefs to his Majefty, last mentioned, had paffed both Houses of Parliament, affurances were given for repealing all the duties impofed in 1767, excepting that of three-pence per pound on tea.

Anxious on the one hand to establish parliamentary fupremacy, and on the other, afraid to ftem the torrent of oppofition, they conceded enough to weaken the former, and yet not enough to satisfy the latter. Had Great Britain generously repealed the whole, and for ever relinquished all claim to the right, or even the exercise of the right of taxation, the union of the two countries might have lafted for ages. Had the feriously determined to compel the fubmiffion of the Colonies, nothing could have been more unfriendly to this defign, than her repeated conceffions to their reiterated affociations. The declaratory act, and the refervation of the duty on tea, left the cause of contention between the two countries in 3 M 2

full

full force; but the former was only a claim on paper, and the latter might be evaded, by refusing to purchase any tea on which the parliamentary tax was impofed. The Colonists, therefore, conceiving that their commerce might be re-newed, without eftablishing any precedent injurious to their liberties, relaxed in their affociations, in every particular, except tea, and immediately recommenced the importation of all other articles of merchandise. A political calm once more took place. The Parent State might now have closed the difpute for ever, and honourably receded, without a formal relinquishment of her claims. Neither the reservation of the duty on tea, by the British Parliament, nor the exceptions made by the Colonifts, of importing no tea, on which a duty was impofed, would, if they had been left to their own operation, have disturbed the returning harmony of the two countries. Without fresh irritation, their wounds might have healed, and not a scar been left behind.

These two abortive attempts to raise a parliamentary revenue in America, caused a fermentation in the minds of the Colonists, and gave birth to many inquiries refpecting their natural rights. Reflections and reasonings on this fubject produced a high sense of liberty, and a general conviction that there could be no fecurity for their property, if they were to be taxed at the discretion of a British Parliament, in which they were unrepresented, and over which they had no controul. A determi nation not only to oppofe this new claim of taxation, but to keep a strict watch, left it might be established in fome difguifed form, took poffef fion of their minds.

It commonly happens in the difcuffion of doubtful claims between ftates, that the ground of the original difpute infenfibly changes. When the mind is employed in investigating one subject, others associated with it, naturally prefent themfelves. In the courfe of inquiries on the fubject of parliamentary taxation, the restriction on the trade of the Colonifts-the neceffity that was impofed on them to purchase British and other manufactures, loaded with their full proportion of all taxes paid by those who made or fold them, became more generally known. While American writers were vindicating their country from the charge of contributing nothing to the common expences of the empire, they were led to fet off to their credit, the difadvantage of their being confined exclufively to purchafe fuch manufactures in Britain. They inftituted calculations, by which they demonstrated that the monopoly of their trade, drew from them greater fams for the fupport of government, than were usually paid by an equal number of their fellow citizens of Great Britain; and that taxation, fuperadded to fuch a monopoly, would

leave them in a ftate of perfect uncompenfated flavery. The inveftigation of these fubjects brought matters into view which the friends of union ought to have kept out of fight, Thefe circumstances, together with the extenfive population of the Eaftern States, and their adventurous spirit of commerce, fuggefted to fome bold fpirits, that not only British taxation, but British navigation laws, were unfriendly to the interefts of America. Speculations of this magnitude fuited well with the extenfive views of fome capital merchants, but never would have roufed the bulk of the people, had not new matter brought the dispute between the two countries to a point, in which every individual was interested,

On reviewing the conduct of the British ministry respecting the Colonies, much weakness as well as folly appears. For a fucceffion of years there was a steady purfuit of American revenue, but great inconfiftence in the projects for obtaining it. In one moment the Parliament was for enforcing their laws, the next for repealing them. Doing and undoing, menacing and fubmitting, ftraining and relaxing, followed each other in alternate fucceffion. The object of administration, though twice relinqnished as to prefent efficiency, was invariably pursued, but without any unity of system.

On the 9th of May, 1769, the King in his fpeech to Parliament highly applauded their hearty concurrence, in maintaining the execution of the laws in every part of his dominions. Five days after this speech, Lord Hillsborough, Secretary of State for the Colonies, wrote to Lord Botetourt, governor of Virginia: "I can take upon me to affure you, notwithstanding informations to the contrary, from men with factious and feditious views, that his Majefty's prefent adminiftration have at no time entertained a defign to propofe to Parliament to lay any farther taxes upon America, for the purpose of raising a revenue, and that it is at present their intention to propose the next feffion of Parliament, to take off the duties upon glafs, paper, and colours, upon consideration of fuch duties having been laid contrary to the true principles of commerce,"

The governor was also informed, that "his Majefty relied upon his prudence and fidelity, to make fuch an explanation of his Majefty's measures, as would tend to remove prejudices, and to reestablish mutual confidence and affection between the Mother Country and the Colonies." In the exact spirit of his inftructions, Lord Botetourt addreffed the Virginia Affembly as follows: "It may poffibly be objected, that as his Majefty's prefent adminiftation are not immortal, their fucceffors may be inclined to attempt to undo what the present minifters shall have attempted to perform, and to that objection I can give

but

but this anfwer, that it is my firm opinion that the plan I have ftated to you will certainly take place, that it will never be departed from; and fo determined am I for ever to abide by it, that I will be content to be declared infamous, if I do not to the laft hour of my life, at all times, in all places, and upon all occafions, exert every power, with which I either am, or ever fhail be legally invefted, in order to obtain and maintain for the continent of America, that fatisfaction which I have been authorised to promise this day, by the confidential fervants of our gracious Sovereign, who, to my certain knowledge, rates his honour fo high, that he would rather part with his crown, than preferve it by deceit."

Thefe affurances were received with tranfports of joy by the Virginians. They viewed them as pledging his Majefty for fecurity, that the late de fign for raifing a revenue in America was abandoned, and never more to be refumed. The Affembly of Virginia, in anfwer to Lord Botetourt, expreffed themselves thus: "We are fure our most gracious fovereign, under whatever changes may happen in his confidential fervants, will remain immutable in the ways of truth and justice, and that he is incapable of deceiving his faithful subjects; and we esteem your Lordfhip's information not only as warranted, but even fanctified by the royal word."

How far these folemn engagements with the Americans were observed, fubfequent events will demonftrate. In a perfect reliance on them, most of the Colonists returned to their ancient habits of good humour, and flattered themfelves that no futurę Parliament would undertake to give or grant away their property.

From the royal and minifterial affurances given in favour of America in the year 1769, and the subsequent repeal in 1770, of five fixths of the duties which had been impofed in 1767, together with the confequent renewal of the mercantile intercourfe between Great Britain and the Colonies, many hoped that the contention between the two coun tries was finally closed. In all the provinces, excepting Maffachusetts, appearances feemed to favour that opinion. Many incidents operated there to the prejudice of that harmony, which had begun elsewhere to return. The stationing a military force among them was a fruitful fource of uneafinefs. The royal army had been brought thither, with the avowed defign of enforcing fubmiffion to the Mother Country, Speeches from the throne, and addreffes from both Houses of Parlia ment, had taught them to look upon the inhabitants as a factious, turbu, lent people, who aimed at throwing off all fubordination to Great Britain. They, on the other hand, were accuftomed to look

upon the

foldiery