notes, but without undue inflation of the currency, or at the option of the holders, converted into bonds bearing a low rate of interest; that the national bank currency should be retired and its place supplied by legal tenders, so as to save to the Government interest upon the amount of that circulation, and that the policy of permitting banks to supply nearly half of the national currency - allowing the five-twenty bonds, bearing, as they do, interest at the rate of nearly nine per cent. per annum, to run beyond the date when they become redeemable, and of contracting the currency until it shall rise to the value of gold, is a policy which favors the few against the many, is oppressive to the laboring and the debtor classes, and tends to bring upon the country the dishonor of repudiation. [He moved for the suspension of the rule requiring reference to the committee, which was lostyeas 78, nays 197; and the resolution was accordingly referred, and not again considered.] Governor Seymour was unanimously nominated on the twenty-second ballot. The highest numbers at any time for others were as follows: Pendleton, 1564; Hancock, 1444; Hendricks, 132; Andrew Johnson, 65; Sanford E. Church, 33; Asa Packer of Pa., 274; Joel Parker, 15; James E. English, 19; Reverdy Johnson, 9; James R. Doolittle, 13; F. P. Blair, Jr., 13; Thomas Ewing, 1; J. Q. Adams, 1; Geo. B. McClellan, 1; Chief Justice Chase, 4; Ex-President Pierce, 1; John T. Hoffman, 3; Stephen J. Field, 15; Thomas H. Seymour, 4. GOV. SEYMOUR'S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE. UTICA, August 4, 1868. Gentlemen: When, in the city of New York, on the 11th of July, in the presence of a vast multitude, on behalf of the National Democratic Convention, you tendered to me its unanimous nomination as their candidate for the office of President of the United States, I stated I had "no words adequate to express my gratitude for the good will and kindness which that body had shown to me. Its nomination was unsought and unexpected. It was my ambition to take an active part, from which I am now excluded, in the great struggle going on for the restoration of good government, of peace and prosperity to our country. But I have been caught up by the whelming tide which is bearing us on to a great political change, and I find myself unable to resist its pressure. "You have also given to me a copy of the resolutions put forth by the Convention. showing its position upon all the great questions which now agitate the country. As the presiding officer of that Convention, I am familiar with their scope and import; as one of its members, I am a party to their terms. They are in accord with my views, and I stand upon them in the contest upon which we are now entering, and I shall strive to carry them out in future, wherever I may be placed, in public or private life." I then stated that I would send you these words of acceptance in a letter, as is the customary form. I see no reason, upon reflection, to change or qualify the terms of my approval of the resolutions of the Convention. I have delayed the more formal act of communicating to you in writing what I thus public ly said, for the purpose of seeing what light the action of Congress would throw upon the interests of the country. Its acts since the adjournment of the Convention show an alarm lest a change of political power will give to the people what they ought to have, a clear statement of what has been done with the money drawn from them during the past eight years. Thoughtful men feel that there have been wrongs in the financial management which have been kept from the public knowledge. The congressional party has not only allied itself with military power, which is to be brought to bear directly upon the elections in many States, but it also holds itself in perpetual session, with the avowed purpose of making such laws as it shall see fit, in view of the elections which will take place within a few weeks. It did not, therefore, adjourn, but took a recess, to meet again if its partisan interests shall demand its reassembling. Never before in the history of our country has Congress thus taken a menacing attitude toward its electors. Under its influence some of the States organized by its agents are proposing to deprive the people of the right to vote for Presi dential electors, and the first bold steps are taken to destroy the rights of suffrage. It is not strange, therefore, that thoughtful men see in such action the proof that there is, with those who shape the policy of the Republican party, motives stronger and deeper than the mere wish to hold political power; that there is a dread of some exposure which drives them on to acts so desperate and so impolitic. Many of the ablest leaders and journals of the Republican party have openly deplored the violence of congressional action, and its tendency to keep up discord in our country. The great interests of our Union demand peace, crder, and a return to those industrial pursuits without which we cannot maintain the faith or honor of our Government. The minds of business men are perplexed by uncertainties. The hours of toil of our laborers are lengthened by the costs of living made by the direct and indirect exactions of Government. Our people are harassed by the heavy and frequent demands of the tax gatherer. Without distinction of party, there is a strong feeling in favor of that line of action which shall restore order and confidence, and shall lift off the burdens which now hinder and vex the industry of the country. Yet at this moment those in power have thrown into the senate chamber and congressional hall new elements of discord and violence. Men have been admitted as representatives of some of the Southern States, with the declaration upon their lips that they cannot live in the States they claim to represent without military protection. These men are to make laws for the North as well as the South. These men, who, a few days since, were seeking as suppliants that Congress would give them power within their respective States, are to day the masters and controllers of the actions of those bodies. Entering them with minds filled with passions, their first demands have been that Congress shall look upon the States from which they come as in conditions of civil war; that the majority of the populations, embracing their intelligence, shall be treated as public enemies; that military forces shall be kept up at the cost of the people of the North, and that there shall be no peace and order at the South save that which is made by arbitrary power. Every intelligent man knows that these men owe their seats in Congress to the disorder in the South; every man knows that they not only owe their present positions to disorder, but that every motive springing from the love of power, of gain, of a desire for vengeance, prompts them to keep the South in anarchy. While that exists, they are independent of the wills or wishes of their fellow-citizens. While confusion reigns, they are the dispensers of the profits and the honors which grow out of a government of mere force. These men are now placed in positions where they can not only urge their views of policy, but where they can enforce them. When others shall be admitted in this manner from the remaining Southern States, although they will have in truth no constituents, they will have more power in the Senate than a majority of the people of this Union living in nine of the great States. In vain the wisest members of the Republican party protested against the policy that led to this result. While the chiefs of the late rebellion have submitted to the results of the war, and are now quietly engaged in useful pursuits for the support of themselves and their families, and are trying by the force of their example to lead back the people of the South to the order and industry not only essential to their well-being, but to the greatness and prosperity of our common country, we see that those who, without ability or influence, have been thrown by the agitations of civil convulsion into positions of honor and profit, are striving to keep alive the passions to which they owe their elevation. And they clamorously insist that they are the only friends of our Union-a Union that can only have a sure foundation in fraternal regard, and a common desire to promote the peace, the order, and the happiness of all sections of our land. Events in Congress since the adjournment of the Convention have vastly increased the importance of a political victory by those who are seeking to bring back economy, simplicity, and justice in the administration of our National affairs. Many Republicans have heretofore clung to their party who have regretted the extremes of violence to which it has run. They have cherished a faith that, while the action of their political friends has been mistaken, their motives have been good. They must now see that the Republican party is in that condition that it cannot carry out a wise and peaceful policy, whatever its motives may be. Republican organization who has not within the past three years warned it against its excesses, who has not been borne down and forced to give up his convictions of what the interests of the country called for; or, if too patriotic to do this, who has not been driven from its ranks. If this has been the case heretofore, what will be its action now, with this new infusion of men who, without a decent respect for the views of those who had just given them their positions, begin their legislative career with calls for arms, with demands that their States shall be regarded as in a condition of civil war, and with a declaration that they are ready and anxious to degrade the President of the United States whenever they can persuade or force Congress to bring forward new articles of impeachment? The Republican party, as well as we, are interested in putting some check upon this violence. It must be clear to every thinking man that a division of political power tends to check the violence of party action, and to assure the peace and good order of society. The electio of a Democratic Executive and a majority of Democratic members to the House of Representatives would not give to that party organization the power to make sudden or violent changes, but it would serve to check those extreme measures which have been deplored by the best men of both political organizations. The result would most certainly lead to that peaceful restoration of the Union and re-establishment of fraternal relationship which the country desires. I am sure that the best men of the Republican party deplore as deeply as I do the spirit of violence shown by those recently admitted to seats in Congress from the South. The condition of civil war which they contemplate, must be abhorrent to every right-thinking man. I have no mere personal wishes which mislead my judgment in regard to the pending election. No man who has weighed and measured the duties of the office of President of the United States can fail to be impressed with the cares and toils of him who is to meet its demands. It is not merely to float with popular currents without a policy or a purpose. On the contrary, while our Constitution gives just weight to the public will, its distinguishing feature is that it seeks to protect the rights of minorities. Its greatest glory is that it puts restraints upon power. It gives force and form to those maxims and principles of civil liberty for which the martyrs of freedom have struggled through ages. It declares the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses and papers, against unreasonable searches and seizures. That Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion or the free exercise thereof, or abridging the freedom of speech or of the press, or the right of the people to petition for redress of grievances. It secures the right of a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury. It is a misfortune, not only to a country, but to a governing party itself, when its action is unchecked by any form of opposition. It has been the misfortune of the Republican party that the events of the past few years have given it so No man can rightfully enter upon the duties much power that it has been able to shackle the of the presidential office unless he is not only Executive, to trammel the judiciary, and to car-willing to carry out the wishes of the people exry out the views of the most unwise and violent of its members. When this state of things exists in any party, it has ever been found that the sober judgments of its ablest leaders do not control. There is hardly an able man who helped to build up the pressed in a constitutional way, but is also prepared to stand up for the rights of minorities. He must be ready to uphold the free exercise of religion. He must denounce measures which would wrong personal or home rights, or the religious conscience of the humblest citizen of the land. He must maintain, without distinction of creed or nationality, all the privileges of American citizenship. The experience of every public man who has been faithful to his trust, teaches him that no one can do the duties of the office of President, unless he is ready, not only to undergo the falsehoods and abuse of the bad, but to suffer from the censure of the good who are misled by prejudices and misrepresentations. There are no attractions in such positions which deceive my judgment, when I say that a great change is going on in the public mind. The mass of the Republican party are more thoughtful, temperate, and just, than they were during the excitement which attended the progress and close of the civil war. and complimentary language in which you have conveyed to me the decision of the convention. I have carefully read the resolutions adopted by the convention, and most cordially concur in every principle and sentiment they announce. My opinions upon all of the questions which discriminate the great contending parties have been freely expressed on all suitable occasions, and I do not deem it necessary at this time to reiterate them. The issues upon which the contest turns are clear, and cannot be obscured or distorted by the sophistries of our adversaries. They all resolve themselves into the old and ever-renewing struggle of a few men to absorb the political power of the nation. This effort, under every conceivable name and disguise, has always characterized the opponents of the Democratic party, but As the energy of the Democratic party springs at no time has the attempt assumed a shape so from their devotion to their cause and not to open and daring as in this contest. The advertheir candidates, I may with propriety speak of saries of free and constitutional government, in the fact, that never in the political history of defiance of the express language of the Constiour country has the action of any like body been tution, have erected a military despotism in ten hailed with such universal and wide-spread en- of the States of the Union, have taken from the thusiasm, as that which has been shown in rela- President the powers vested in him by the sution to the position of the National Democratic preme law, and have deprived the Supreme Court Convention. With this the candidates had of its jurisdiction. The right of trial by jury, nothing to do. Had any others of those named and the great writ of right, the habeas corpus been selected, this spirit would have been per--shields of safety for every citizen, and which haps more marked. The zeal and energy of the have descended to us from the earliest traditions conservative masses spring from a desire to of our ancestors, and which our revolutionary make a change of political policy, and from the fathers sought to secure to their posterity forever confidence that they can carry out their purpose, in the fundamental charter of our libertiesIn this faith they are strengthened by the co- have been ruthlessly trampled under foot by the operation of the great body of those who served fragment of a Congress. Whole States and comin the Union army and navy during the war. munities of people of our own race have been Having given nearly sixteen thousand commis- attainted, convicted, condemned, and deprived sions to the officers of that army, I know their of their rights as citizens, without presentment, views and wishes. They demand the Union for or trial, or witnesses, but by congressional enactwhich they fought. The largest meeting of ment of ex post facto laws, and in defiance of these gallant soldiers which ever assembled was the constitutional prohibition denying even to a held in New York and indorsed the action of the full and legal Congress the authority to pass any National Convention. In words instinct with bill of attainder or ex post facto law. The same meaning, they call upon the Government to stop usurping authority has substituted as electors in in its policy of hate, discord and disunion, and place of the men of our own race, thus illegally in terms of fervid eloquence they demanded the attainted and disfranchised, a host of ignorant restoration of the rights and liberties of the negroes, who are supported in idleness with the American people. public money, and combined together to strip the white race of their birthright, through the management of freedmen's bureaus and the emissaries of conspirators in other States; and, to complete the oppression, the military power of the nation has been placed at their disposal, in order to make this barbarism supreme When there is such accord between those who proved themselves brave and self-sacrificing in war, and those who are thoughtful and patriotic in council, I cannot doubt we shall gain a political triumph which will restore our Union, bring back peace and prosperity to our land, and will give us once more the blessings of a wise, economical, and honest Government. I am, gentlemen, truly yours, &c., HORATIO SEYMOUR. To Gen. G. W. MORGAN, and others, Committee, &c., &c. GEN. BLAIR'S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE. OMAHA, NEBRASKA, July 13, 1868. Gen. GEORGE W. MORGAN, Chairman Committee National Democratic Convention. General: I take the earliest opportunity of replying to your letter, notifying me of my nomination for Vice-President of the United States by the National Democratic Convention, recently held in the city of New York. I accept without hesitation the nomination tendered in a manner so gratifying, and give you and the committee my thanks for the very kind The military leader under whose prestige this usurping Congress has taken refuge since the condemnation of their schemes by the free people of the North in the election of the last year, and whom they have selected as their candidate to shield themselves from the result of their own wickedness and crime, has announced his acceptance of the nomination, and his willingness to maintain their usurpations over eight millions of white people at the South, fixed to the earth with his bayonets Ile exclaims: "Let us have peace." "Peace reigns in Warsaw" was the announcement which heralded the doom of the liberties of a nation. "The empire is peace,' exclaimed Bonaparte, when freedom and its defenders expired under the sharp edge of his sword. The peace to which Grant invites us is the peace of despotism and death. Those who seek to restore the Constitution by called upon to give arguments and facts, he is contrive means by which he should prevent Edvery often found wanting. Judas Iscariot- win M. Stanton from forthwith resuming the Judas. There was a Judas, and he was one of functions of the office of Secretary for the Dethe twelve apostles. Oh! yes, the twelve apos- partment of War, notwithstanding the refusal of tles had a Christ. The twelve apostles had a the Senate to concur in the suspension theretoChrist, and he never could have had a Judas un- fore made by said Andrew Johnson of said Edless he had twelve apostles. If I have played win M. Stanton from said office of Secretary for the Judas, who has been my Christ that I have the Department of War; and, also, by further played the Judas with? Was it Thad. Stevens? unlawfully devising and contriving, and attemptWas it Wendell Phillips? Was it Charles Sum- ing to devise and contrive, means, then and ner? These are the men that stop and compare there, to prevent the execution of an act entitled themselves with the Saviour; and everybody An act making appropriations for the support that differs with them in opinion, and to try to of the army for the fiscal year ending June 30, stay and arrest their diabolical and nefarious 1868, and for other purposes," approved March policy, is to be denounced as a Judas. * * *2, 1867; and, also, to prevent the execution of "Well, let me say to you, if you will stand by an act entitled "An act to provide for the more me in this action, if you will stand by me in try-efficient government of the rebel States," passed ing to give the people a fair chance-soldiers March 2, 1867, whereby the said Andrew Johnand citizens-to participate in these offices, God son, President of the United States, did then, to being willing, I will kick them out. I will kick wit., on the 21st day of February, A. D. 1868 at them out just as fast as I can. the city of Washington, commit, and was guilty of, a high misdemeanor in office. SCHUYLER COLFAX, Speaker of the House of Representatives. Attest: EDWARD MCPHERSON, "Let me say to you, in concluding, that what I have said I intended to say. I was not provoked into this, and I care not for their menaces, the taunts, and the jeers. I care not for threats. I do not intend to be bullied by my enemies nor overawed by my friends. But, God willing, with your help, I will veto their measures whenever any of them come to me." Which said utterances, declarations, threats, and harangues, highly censurable in any, are peculiarly indecent and unbecoming in the Chief Magistrate of the United States, by means whereof said Andrew Johnson has brought the high office of the President of the United States into contempt, ridicule, and disgrace, to the great scandal of all good citizens, whereby said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, did commit, and was then and there gutlty of a high misdemeanor in office. ARTICLE XI.-That said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, unmindful of the high duties of his office, and of his oath of office, and in disregard of the Constitution and laws of the United States, did heretofore, to wit., on the 18th day of August, A. D. 1866, at the city of Washington, in the District of Columbia, by public speech, declare and affirm, in substance, that the Thirty-ninth Congress of the United States was not a Congress of the United States anthorized by the Constitution to exercise legislative power under the same, but, on the contrary, was a Congress of only part of the States, thereby denying, and intending to deny, that the legislation of said Congress' was valid or obligatory upon him, the said Andrew Johnson, except in so far as he saw fit to approve the same, and also thereby denying, and intending to deny, the power of the said Thirty-ninth Congress to propose amendments to the Constitution of the United States; and. in pursuance of said declaration, the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, afterward, to wit., on the 21st day of February, A. D. 1868, at the city of Washington, in the District of Columbia, did, unlawfully, and in disregard of the requirement of the Constitution, that he should take care that the laws be faithfully executed, attempt to prevent the execution of an act entitled "An act regulating the tenure of certain civil offices," passed March 2, 1867, by unlawfully devising and contriving, and attempting to devise and Clerk of the House of Representatives. VOTES ON THE ARTICLES IN THE HOUSE. 1868, March 2.-The first article was agreed to-yeas 127, nays 42, as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Allison, Ames, Anderson, Arnell, Delos R. Ashley, James M. Ashley, Bailey, Baldwin, Banks, Beaman, Beatty, Benton, Bingham, Blaine, Blair, Boutwell, Bromwell, Broomall, Buckland, Butler, Cake, Churchill, Reader W. Clarke, Sidney Clarke, Cobb, Coburn, Cook, Cornell, Covode, Cullom, Dawes, Dixon, Dodge, Donnelly, Driggs, Eggleston, Eliot, Farnsworth, Ferriss, Ferry, Fields, Garfield, Gravely, Griswold, Halsey, Harding, Higby, Hill, Hooper, Hopkins, C. D. Hubbard, Hulburd, Hunter, Ingersoll, Jenckes, Judd, Julian, Kelley, Kelsey, Ketcham, Kitchen, Koontz, Laflin, George V. Lawrence, William Lawrence, Lincoln, Loan, Logan, Loughridge, Lynch, Mallory, Marvin, Maynard, McCarthy, McClurg, Mercur, Miller, Moore, Morrell, Mullins, Myers, Newcomb, Nunn, O'Neill, Orth, Paine, Perham, Peters,_Pike, Plants, Poland, Polsley, Pomeroy, Price, Raum, Robertson, Sawyer, Schenck, Scofield, Shanks, Smith, Spalding, Starkweather, Thaddeus Stevens, Stokes, Taffe, Taylor, Thomas, Trimble, Trowbridge, Twichell, Upson, Van Aernam, Burt Van Horn, Robert T. Van Horn, Van Wyck, Ward, Cadwalader C. Washburn, Elihu B. Washburne, William B. Washburn, Welker, Thomas Williams, James F. Wilson, John T. Wilson, Stephen F. Wilson, Windom, Woodbridge-127. NAYS -Messrs. Adams, Archer, Axtell, Barnum Beck, Boyer, Brooks, Burr, Cary, Chanler, Eldridge, Fox, Getz, Glossbrenner, Golladay, Grover, Haight, Holman, Hotchkiss, Humphrey, Johnson, Jones, Kerr, Knott, Marshall, McCormick, Morgan, Mungen, Niblack, Nicholson, Pruyn, Randall, Ross, Sitgreaves, Stewart, Stone, Taber, Trimble, Van Auken, Van Trump, Wood, Woodward-42. NOT VOTING-Messrs. Baker, Barnes, Benjamin, Eckley, Ela, Finney, Hawkins, Asahel W. Hubbard, Richard D. Hubbard, McCullough, Moorhead, Morrissey, Phelps, Pile, Robinson, Selye, Shellabarger, Aaron F. Stevens, Henry D. Washburn, William Williams-20. The second article was agreed to-yeas 124, nays 41, not voting 24. The third article was agreed to-yeas 124, nays 41, not voting 24. The fourth article was agreed to-yeas 117, nays 40, not voting 32. The fifth article was agreed tc-yeas 127, nays 42, not voting 20. The sixth article was agreed to-yeas 127, nays 42, not voting 20. The seventh article was agreed to-yeas 127, nays 42, not voting 20. The eighth article was agreed tc-yeas 127, nays 42, not voting 20. The ninth article was agreed to-yeas 108, nays 41, not voting 40. The tenth article was agreed to-yeas 88, nays 44, not voting 57. The eleventh article was agreed to-yeas 109, nays 32, not voting 48. Messrs. John A. Bingham, George S. Boutwell, James F. Wilson, Benjamin F. Butler, Thomas Williams, John A. Logan, and Thaddeus Stevens. were elected managers to conduct the impeach ment. March 4.-The articles were read to the Senate by the Managers. March 5.-Chief Justice Chase took the chair, Associate Justice Nelson having administered the oath. March 13.-The President's counsel entered this appearance. In the matter of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States. Mr. CHIEF JUSTICE: I, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, having been served with a summon to appear before this honorable court, sitting as a court of impeachment, to answer certain articles of impeachment found and presented against me by the honorable the House of Representatives of the United States, do hereby enter my appearance by my counsel, Henry Stanbery, Benjamin R. Curtis, Wm. S. Groesbeck, William M. Evarts, and Thomas A. R. Nelson, who have my warrant and authority therefor, and who are instructed by me to ask of this honorable court for a reasonable time for the preparation of my answer to said articles. After a careful examination of the articles of impeachment, and consultation with my counsel, I am satisfied that at least forty days will be necessary for the preparation of my answer, and I respectfully ask that it be allowed. ANDREW JOHNSON. The counsel also read a "professional statement" in support of the request. The Senate retired for consultation, and, after some time, adopted, without a division, an order that the respondent file answer on or before the 23d inst. An order was also adopted-yeas 40, nays 10that unless otherwise ordered by the Senate for cause shown, the trial shall proceed immediately after replication shall be filed. PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S ANSWER. Messrs. Curtis, Stanbery, and Evarts, read the President's answers to the several articles of impeachment. We cannot give room to the text; it is enough to say that Mr. Johnson made general and specific denial of each and every al legation, and in doing so he repeated once more his veto of the Tenure of Office bill. On the same day -The President's counsel asked for thirty days for preparation before the trial shall proceed; which was debated and disagreed to-yeas 12, nays 41. March 24.-The Managers presented the replication adopted-yeas 116, nays 36-by the House of Representatives, as follows: IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, UNITED STATES, March 24, 1868. Replication by the House of Representatives of the United States to the answer of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, to the Articles of Impeachment exhibited against him by the House of Representatires. The House of Representatives of the United States have considered the several answers of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, to the several articles of impeachment against him by them exhibited in the name of themselves and of all the people of the United States, and reserving to themselves all advantage of exception to the insufficiency of his answer to each and all of the several articles of impeachment exhibited against said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, do deny each and every averment in said several answers, or either of them, which denies or traverses the acts, intents, crimes, or misdemeanors charged against said Andrew Johnson in the said articles of impeachment, or either of them; and for replication to said answer do say that said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, is guilty of the high crimes and misdemeanors mentioned in said articles, and that the House of Representatives are ready to prove the same. SCHUYLER COLFAX, Speaker of the House of Representatives. EDWARD MCPHERSON, Clerk of the House of Representatives. Same day. An order was adopted, finally without a division, that the Senate will commence the trial on the 30th inst., and proceed with all convenient despatch. March 30.-Opening argument by Mr. Butler, one of the managers, and some testimony introduced. March 31, April 1, 2, 3, and 4, the testimony for the prosecution continued, and the case on the part of the House substantially closed. Adjourned till April 9, at the request of the President's counsel. April 9 and 10.-Occupied by Judge Curtis's opening argument for the defence, and in presenting testimony. April 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, testimony presented. April 22,-Argument begun, and continued on April 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, 30, May 1, 2, 4, 5, and 6. May 7 and 11 spent in determining rules, form of question, &c. May 12, adjourned in consequence of the sickness of Senator Howard, till May 16. THE JUDGMENT OF THE SENATE. May 16.-By a vote of 34 to 19, it was ordered that the question on the eleventh article be taken first. The vote was 35 "guilty," 19 "not guilty," as follows: |