1560.

there without corruption; 23. Or that a mouse, or any other AN. REG.2, worm or beast, may eat the body of Christ, (for so some of our adversaries have said and taught); 24. Or that when Christ said Hoc est corpus meum, the word hoc pointed not the bread, but individuum vagum, as some of them say; 25. Or that the accidents, or forms, or shews of bread and wine be the Sacraments of Christ's body and blood, and not rather the very bread and wine itself; 26. Or that the Sacrament is a sign or token of the body of Christ that lieth hidden underneath it; 27. Or that ignorance is the mother and cause of true devotion' [and obedience]:-the conclusion is, that I shall be then content to yield and subscribe."

17. This Challenge, being thus published in so great an auditory, startled the English Papists both at home and abroad,

-none more than such of the fugitives as had retired to Lovain, Doway, or Saint Odomar's, in the Low-Country provinces belonging to the King of Spain. The business first agitated by the exchange of friendly letters betwixt the said reverend Prelate and Dr Henry Cole, the late Dean of St Pauls; more violently followed in a book of Rastal's2, who first appeared in the lists against the Challenger. Followed therein by Dorman3 and Marshal, who severally took up the cudgels to as little purpose; the first being well beaten by Nowels, and the last by Calfhil, in their discourses writ against them. But they were

1 This was a dictum uttered by Cole at the Westminster disputation. Jewel to P. Martyr, in Cardwell, Conferences, 96; Works, ed. Park. Soc. i. 57.

"Confutation of a Sermon pronounced by Mr Jewel at Paul's Cross," Antw. 1564. Tanner, Bibliotheca, 617.

3 "A proof of certain Articles in Religion denied by Mr Jewel." Antw. 1564. "A Request to Mr Jewel, that he keep his promise made by solemn protestation in his late Sermon at Paul's Cross," 1567, &c. Tanner, Bibl. 232.

"A Treatise of the Cross, gathered out of the Scriptures, Councils, and Antient Fathers of the Primitive Church." Antw. 1564.

5 66

A Reproof of a book entitled A Proof of certain Articles," &c. Lond. 1565. The controversy between Nowell and Dorman ran to some length. Tanner, 553. See below, vi. 12; Strype, Ann. i. 540.

"Calfhill, however, is not a writer with whom Heylyn would have had much sympathy, if he had read his "Answer to Martial's Treatise of the Cross." The work has been learnedly and impartially edited for the Parker Society by the Rev. R. Gibbings.

1560.

AN. REG. 2, only velitations1, or preparatory skirmishes in reference to the main encounter, which was reserved for the reverend Challenger himself and Dr John Harding, one of the Divines of Lovain, and the most learned of the College. The combatants were born in the same county, bred up in the same grammarschool, and studied in the same university also: so that it may be said of them, as the historian hath of Jugurth and Sylla under Caius Marius,-that is to say, that they both learned those feats of arms in the same camp, and under the same commander, which afterwards they were to exercise against one another2. Both zealous Protestants also in the time of King Edward, and both relapsed to Popery in the time of Queen Mary-Jewel for fear, and Harding upon hope of favour and preferment by it3. But Jewel's fall may be compared to that of Saint Peter, which was short and sudden; rising again by his repentance, and fortified more strongly in his faith than before he was: but Harding's like to that of the other Simon*, premeditated and resolved on; never to be restored again-(so much was there within him of "the gall of bitterness”)—to his former standing. But some former differences had been between them in the Church of Sarisbury, whereof the one was Prebendary, and the other Bishop, occasioned by the Bishop's visitation of that Cathedral, in which as Harding had the worst, so was it a presage of a second foil which he was to have in this encounter. Who had the better of the day, will easily appear to any that consults the writings; by which it will appear how much the Bishop was too hard for him at all manner of weapons. Whose learned answers, as well in maintenance of his "Challenge," as in defence of his "Apology,”(whereof more hereafter)-contain in them such a magazine of all sorts of learning, that all our controversors since that time 131 303

1 "Edd. "velilations."

2 "Quo quidem tempore [scil. Numantino bello] juvenes adhuc Jugurtha et Marius, sub eodem Africano militantes, in iisdem castris didicere quæ postea in contrariis facerent." Vell. Paterc. ii. 9. The illustration is borrowed from the Life (by Featley; see Fuller's Abel Redivivus, Intr. § 11, and p. 313, ed. Camb. 1651) of Jewel, prefixed to the folio edition, 1609; but the error as to the persons is Heylyn's own.

have furnished themselves with arguments and authority AN.REG. 2, from it'.

1560.

18. But these discourses came not out until some years after, though the occasion was given now by this famous Challenge; the interval being spent in preparations by the Romish party, before they shewed themselves in public. In the mean time, the Papists, mad enough before, seemed to grow more outrageous upon this occasion, though they were willing to impute it to some other cause. Philip of Spain shewed himself much incensed against her, as well for altering the religion here by him established, as for refusing him in marriage when the offer had been made unto her by the Count of Feria; nor was the Count less troubled at it than the King. And in this melancholy humour he employs all his interess with the Pope then being for subjecting her unto a sentence of excommunication3. Which motion if it had been pressed on Pope Paul the Fourth, who seemed very much displeased at her for accepting the Crown without his consent, there is no question to be made but that it had been hearkened to with a listening ear, and executed with a rash and ungoverned hand. But Paul the Fourth deceased about the middle of August in the year last past, and John Angelo, Cardinal of Medices, succeeded him, by the name of Pope Pius the Fourth, in December following. Who, being a more moderate man, did not think fit to proceed to such extremities; for, seeing that his power was a thing rather consisting in the conceits of men than in truth and substance, if it should once appear that this thunderbolt of excommunication (whereby the world is so much terrified), should prove ineffectual and without all power, then might this great authority fall into contempt, and become ridiculous. Upon which ground he goes another way to work, and is resolved to try all fair and plausible means for gaining her to the obedience of the See Apostolic. To which end he Pius IV. directs unto her an affectionate letter, in which he calls her Queen. his dearest daughter," and seems exceeding careful of her

1 1 For a collection of testimonies to this great controversialist, see the Quarterly Review, Vol. lxix. pp. 476-7.

Harding's book appeared in 1564; Jewel's answer in the latter part of 1565. Jewel, ed. Park. Soc. i. Advertisement, and p. 85.

writes to the

AN.REG. 2, salvation and the prosperity of her people-not to be found by 1560. wandering out of the communion of the Catholic Church, to

which she is again invited with much Christian meekness. Which letter he dispatcheth by the hands of Vincentius Parpalia, a right trusty minister, and one (by reason of some former employments hither in the time of Queen Mary) not unknown to her. Whom he had furnished also with some secret instructions to be communicated to her at his being in England, concerning which (for with that intimation he concludes his letter), the same Vincentius was to deal more largely with her, and declare his fatherly affection towards her; she being in like sort desired to receive him lovingly, to hear him diligently, and to give the same credit to his speeches as she would to the Pope himself1.

19. This letter of the Pope's bears date on the 5th of May, anno 1560; before which time the Queen had caused the English Liturgy to be translated into Latin, using therein the pen and diligence of Walter Haddon2, (as some suppose), who afterwards appeared against Ossorius3 upon several arguments. And, being translated into Latin, it was commended by her letters patents of the first of April, not only to all Colleges and Halls in both Universities, but also to the Colleges of Eaton and Winchester, to be used by them in their several and respective Chapels. And she caused, further, some selected hymns to be added to it, for some particular occasions; but most especially to be sung in funerals and solemn obsequies: which, not being warranted by the statute of the year preceding, were therefore authorized with a non obstante. All which as she was thought to do, to satisfy and instruct all foreign princes in the form and fashion of our devotions, so did she so far satisfy the Pope then being5, that he shewed himself

1 Camd. 59-60. Fuller, iv. 307-9. Wilkins, iv. 219.

Mr Clay shews that "little claim to the authorship of the Latin prayer-book was possessed by Haddon" (or by the Elizabethan editor, whoever he was), inasmuch as it is grounded on the version of King Edward's second Liturgy made by Aless (sup. i. 165). Liturgies of Elizabeth, ed. Park. Soc. p. xxv.

3 See Strype, Ann. i. 422.

5 Against Heylyn's view of the intention with which the Latin book was published, and against the story of the Pope's willingness to confirm it, see Clay, Liturg. Eliz. xxii.

1560.

willing to confirm it by his papal power. The learned Camb- AN. REG. 2, den, who received all his choice intelligence from Sir William Cecil1, (but better known in his last times by the name of Lord Burleigh), gives us to understand, that this Parpalia was instructed to offer in the name of his Holiness, that the English Liturgy should be confirmed; the use of the Communion in 132 both kinds allowed of; and that all sentences which had passed 304 in the Court of Rome against the marriage of her mother should be rescinded and made void,-conditioned only, that she would reunite herself to the Roman Church, and acknowledge the primacy of that see. For the carrying on of which accord, the Abbot was commissioned to distribute some thousands of crowns amongst such men as should be found most forward to effect the same. Sanders makes this to be another of his secret mandates, that, if she had any diffidence in her title to the Crown of England, either in regard of the doubtfulness of her legitimation, or anything which had been done by the authority of the Pope and Church of Rome, all matters should be cleared and sweetened to her best advantage, by the benignity and favour of the See Apostolic. But for all this, the Abbot came no nearer than Brussels with his bulls and faculties, not being suffered to set foot upon English ground3: whether it were upon a probable suspicion, that, under colour

1 Camden only states that the purport of Parpaglia's instructions was said ("Fama obtinet") to have been such as is here reported. Of himself he expressly says, "Quæ Parpalia proposuit, non comperi, nec enim scriptis mandata credo, comminisci vero cum vulgo historicorum minime lubet." p. 59, ed. 1615. On the other hand, Coke, in his charge at the Norwich assizes, 1607, states that he received a similar relation from the Queen herself (Twysden's Hist. Vindication, 200, ed. Corrie, Camb. 1847); and the truth of it is maintained by Twysden, ibid.

3

2 De Schism. Angl. 307.

"Which is altogether improbable; for how could he propound anything to the Queen,-(which Camden says he did)-if he saw her not? Would he be so negligent of the papal honour as to send a letter which he was to deliver himself? If we are to credit tradition, he not only spake with her Majesty, but passed from her not without a gratitude. And I conceive the learned doctor [Heylyn] attributes to this abbot what happened to another, the year following; for of Martinengus, 1561 [see Eliz. iii. 9], it is most true, but none mention it of this; neither is it likely the Pope, having received so peremptory a denial, would a year after have adventured a second." Twysden, 200.