1563.

Luther and Zuinglius and the rest; which he affirmed to be AN. REG.5, the practice of all Councils in the primitive times, and that otherwise it might be said that the Council had laboured all this while in vain. To which it was replied by one of the Legates, that "divers times required different counsels; that the differences about religion in those elder times were between the Bishops and the priests; that the people were but as an accessory; that the grandees either did not meddle, or, if they did adhere to any heresy, they did not make themselves heads and leaders. But now all was quite contrary; for now the heretic' ministers and preachers could not be said to be heads of the sects, but the Princes rather, to whose interess their ministers and preachers did accommodate themselves; that he that would name the true heads of heretics, must name the Queens of England and Navarr, the Prince of Conde, the Elector Palatine of the Reine, the Elector of Saxonie, and many other Dukes and Princes of Germany; that this would make them unite, and shew they were sensible of it; and that the condemnation of Luther and Zuinglius only would so provoke them that some great confusion would certainly arise; and therefore they must not do what they would, but what they could, seeing that the more moderate resolution was the better2." After which grave and prudent answer, it was not long before the conclusion of the Council (which ended on the 3rd of December) had put an end to all those practices and designs, which otherwise might have much distracted the peace of Chris

1 Edd. 1, 2, "hereticks."

This is in the main taken verbatim from Brent's translation of Fra Paolo, 796; but Heylyn has misapprehended the case, and has given a representation of it which is both inaccurate and inconsistent. The proposal made by the Archbishop of Otranto was, that an anathema should be pronounced on "the heretics,"-by which he meant, not al heretics, but those in particular against whom the Council had been summoned; and he named "Luther and Zuinglius dead, and their followers alive." To this the Cardinal of Lorraine made the reply here reported, that Luther and Zuinglius were not the real heads of the heretics; that to name the princes who were indeed their leaders, was inexpedient; and, "therefore, to do not what they would, but what they could, he thought that [not the more moderate, but] the more universal resolution was the better;" i. e. that there should not be any naming of particular heresies. The result was a general "anathema cunctis hæreticis." Conc. Trid. Canones, ed. Lips. 1846. 208.

1563.

AN.REG.5, tendom, and more particularly the tranquillity of the realm of England. And so I take my leave of the Council of Trent, without making any other character or censure of it than that which is given by the historian: that is to say,— "That, being desired and procured by godly men to reunite the Church which then began to be divided, it so established the schism, and made the party so obstinate, that the discords are become irreconcilable; that, being managed by Princes for the reformation of Ecclesiastical discipline, it caused the greatest deformation that ever was since Christianity began; that, being hoped for by the Bishops, to regain the episcopal authority, usurped for the most part by the Pope, it made them lose it altogether, and brought them into a greater servitude; and on the contrary, that, being feared and avoided by the See of Rome, as a potent means to moderate the exorbitant power of the Pope, mounted from small beginnings by divers degrees unto an unlimited excess, it hath so established and confirmed the same over that part which remaineth subject to it, that it never was so great, nor so soundly rooted'."

ANNO REGNI ELIZ. 6,

ANNO DOM. 1563, 1564.

AN. REG. 6, 1563.

A

1. HAVING dispatched our business in France and Trent, Plague

we shall confine ourselves for so much of our story as

is to come to the Isles of Britain. In the South part thereof, the plague brought out of France by the garrison soldiers of Newhaven had so dispersed itself, and made such desolation in many parts of the realm, that it swept away above 20,000 in the city of London1; which, though it seemed less than some great plagues which have happened since, yet was it the 163 greatest at that time which any man living could remember. 335 In which regard as Michaelmas term was not kept at all, so

Candlemas term then following was kept at Hartford, the
houses in London being not well cleansed, nor the air suf-
ficiently corrected for so great a concourse2.
Under pretence
whereof the Council of the King of Spain residing in Brussels
commanded proclamation to be made in Antwerp and other
places, that no English ship with cloths should come into any
ports of the Low Countries. Besides which, they alleged some
other causes, as namely, the raising of impost upon goods, as
well inwards as outwards, as well upon Englishmen as upon
strangers, &c. But the true reason of it was, because a
statute had been passed in the first year of the Queen, by
which divers wares and commodities were forbidden to be
brought into this realm out of Flanders and other places, (being
the manufactures of those countries,) to the end that our own
people might be set on work; as also that no English or stran-
ger might ship out any white cloths undressed, being of price
above 47., without special licence. But at the earnest suit of
the merchant-adventurers, the Queen prohibited the transport-
ing of wool unwrought, and the cloth-fleet was sent to Embden,
the principal city in East Friezland, about Easter following,
1 Camden states the number at 21,530 (84). Stow says 20,372 in
the city and liberties; 2732 in the out-parishes, (656-7).

2

Stow, 656.

[HEYLYN, II.]

3

Edd. " parts."

* Ib. 657.

D D

rages.

1563.

AN. REG.6, where it was joyfully received, and where the English kept their factory for some years after1. And though the Hanse Towns made such friends in the court of the Emperor that the English trade was interdicted under the pretence of being a monopoly, yet by the constancy of the Queen, the courage of the merchants, and the dexterity of their agents, they prevailed at last, and carried on the trade themselves, without any competitors2.

Peace with
France.

2. The apprehension of this dealing from the Council of Spain induced the Queen to hearken the more willingly to a peace with France; which she concluded upon terms of as good advantage as the times would bear; the demand for Calais being waived till the eight years' end, at which it was to be restored unto her by the treaty of Cambray3: which peace was first proclaimed before her Majesty in the Castle of Windsor, the French Embassador being present; and afterwards at London on the 13th of April. And for creating the greater confidence and amity between both Princes, it was not long before she sent the Lord Henry Hunsdon, accompanied with the Lord Strange, and divers knights and gentlemen, to the Court of France, to present that King with the collar and habit of the Garter, into which noble order he had been elected at a general Chapter. Garter the king-at-arms was also sent along with them, to invest him in it with all the ceremonies and solemnities thereunto belonging, to make it the more acceptable in the sight of that people". But notwithstanding these courses on the one side, and the indignities put upon her by the Hugonot Princes on the other, reason of state prevailed with her not to lay aside the care of their safety and affairs. For well she knew, that, if the Hugonots were not encouraged under hand, and the Guisian faction kept in breath by their frequent stirrings, they would be either hammering some design against her in her own dominions, or animate the Queen of Scots to stand to her title and pretensions for the Crown of England. Upon which general ground of self-preservation, as she first aided those of Scotland for the expelling of the French, and the French Protestants from being ruined

1564.

and oppressed by the house of Guise; so on the same she AN.REG.6,
afterwards undertook the patronage of the Belgic Netherlands
against the tyranny and ambition of the Duke of Alva, who
otherwise might have brought the war to her own doors, and
hazarded the peace and safety of her whole estate.

The Queen

3. Having secured herself by this peace with France, visits Cam and being at no open enmity with the King of Spain, she bridge. resolves to give herself some pleasure, and thereupon prepareth for her summer's progress. In the course whereof she bestowed a visit upon Cambridge on the 5th of August, where she was honourably received by Mr Secretary Cecil, being then Chancellor of that University, together with all the Heads of Houses and other students, attired in their academical habits, according to their several and distinct de164 grees. Her lodging was provided in King's College; the days 336 of her abode there spent in scholastical exercises of philo

sophy, physic, and divinity; the nights in comedies and tra-
gedies, and other pleasing entertainments. On Wednesday
the 7th of the same month she rode through the town, and
took a view of all the Colleges and Halls-the goodly monu-
ments of the piety of her predecessors, and of so many men
and women famous in their generations. Which done, she
took leave of Cambridge in a Latin oration, in which she gave
them great encouragement to pursue their studies; not without
giving them some hopes, that, if God spared her life and opportu-
nity, she would erect some monument amongst them of her love
to learning, which should not be inferior unto any of her royal
ancestors1. In which diversion she received such high content-
ment, that nothing could have seemed to be equal to it but the
like at Oxon, where she was entertained about two years after
for seven days together, with the same variety of speeches,
interludes, disputations, and other academical expressions of
a public joy. In one point, that of Oxford seemed to have the
pre-eminence, all things being there both given and taken with
so even an hand, that there could be no ground for any emula-
tion, strife, or discord to ensue upon it. But in the midst of
those contentments which she had at Cambridge were sown the

1 Holinshed, iv. 226. Stow, 660. Camd. 91. Fuller, Ch. Hist. iv.
331-2.