AN. REG. 2, salvation and the prosperity of her people-not to be found by 1560. wandering out of the communion of the Catholic Church, to which she is again invited with much Christian meekness. Which letter he dispatcheth by the hands of Vincentius Parpalia, a right trusty minister, and one (by reason of some former employments hither in the time of Queen Mary) not unknown to her. Whom he had furnished also with some secret instructions to be communicated to her at his being in England, concerning which (for with that intimation he concludes his letter), the same Vincentius was to deal more largely with her, and declare his fatherly affection towards her; she being in like sort desired to receive him lovingly, to hear him diligently, and to give the same credit to his speeches as she would to the Pope himself1. 19. This letter of the Pope's bears date on the 5th of May, anno 1560; before which time the Queen had caused the English Liturgy to be translated into Latin, using therein the pen and diligence of Walter Haddon2, (as some suppose), who afterwards appeared against Ossorius3 upon several arguments. And, being translated into Latin, it was commended by her letters patents of the first of April, not only to all Colleges and Halls in both Universities, but also to the Colleges of Eaton and Winchester, to be used by them in their several and respective Chapels1. And she caused, further, some selected hymns to be added to it, for some particular occasions; but most especially to be sung in funerals and solemn obsequies: which, not being warranted by the statute of the year preceding, were therefore authorized with a non obstante. All which as she was thought to do, to satisfy and instruct all foreign princes in the form and fashion of our devotions, so did she so far satisfy the Pope then being, that he shewed himself 1 Camd. 59-60. Fuller, iv. 307-9. Wilkins, iv. 219. Mr Clay shews that "little claim to the authorship of the Latin prayer-book was possessed by Haddon" (or by the Elizabethan editor, whoever he was), inasmuch as it is grounded on the version of King Edward's second Liturgy made by Aless (sup. i. 165). Liturgies of Elizabeth, ed. Park. Soc. p. xxv. * See Strype, Ann. i. 422. 4 Wilkins, iv. 217. 5 Against Heylyn's view of the intention with which the Latin book was published, and against the story of the Pope's willingness to confirm it, see Clay, Liturg. Eliz. xxii. 1560. willing to confirm it by his papal power. The learned Camb- AN. REG. 2, den, who received all his choice intelligence from Sir William Cecil', (but better known in his last times by the name of Lord Burleigh), gives us to understand, that this Parpalia was instructed to offer in the name of his Holiness, that the English Liturgy should be confirmed; the use of the Communion in 2 both kinds allowed of; and that all sentences which had passed 4 in the Court of Rome against the marriage of her mother should be rescinded and made void,-conditioned only, that she would reunite herself to the Roman Church, and acknowledge the primacy of that see. For the carrying on of which accord, the Abbot was commissioned to distribute some thousands of crowns amongst such men as should be found most forward to effect the same. Sanders makes this to be another of his secret mandates, that, if she had any diffidence in her title to the Crown of England, either in regard of the doubtfulness of her legitimation, or anything which had been done by the authority of the Pope and Church of Rome, all matters should be cleared and sweetened to her best advantage, by the benignity and favour of the See Apostolic. But for all this, the Abbot came no nearer than Brussels with his bulls and faculties, not being suffered to set foot upon English ground3: whether it were upon a probable suspicion, that, under colour 1 Camden only states that the purport of Parpaglia's instructions was said (“Fama obtinet") to have been such as is here reported. Of himself he expressly says, "Quæ Parpalia proposuit, non comperi, nec enim scriptis mandata credo, comminisci vero cum vulgo historicorum minime lubet." p. 59, ed. 1615. On the other hand, Coke, in his charge at the Norwich assizes, 1607, states that he received a similar relation from the Queen herself (Twysden's Hist. Vindication, 200, ed. Corrie, Camb. 1847); and the truth of it is maintained by Twysden, ibid. 2 De Schism. Angl. 307. 3 "Which is altogether improbable; for how could he propound anything to the Queen,-(which Camden says he did)-if he saw her not? Would he be so negligent of the papal honour as to send a letter which he was to deliver himself? If we are to credit tradition, he not only spake with her Majesty, but passed from her not without a gratitude. And I conceive the learned doctor [Heylyn] attributes to this abbot what happened to another, the year following; for of Martinengus, 1561 [see Eliz. iii. 9], it is most true, but none mention it of this; neither is it likely the Pope, having received so peremptory a denial, would a year after have adventured a second." Twysden, 200. 1560. AN. REG. 2, of such plausible and specious overtures, he was designed to encourage a rebellion amongst the Papists, as was thought by some; or rather, that the Queen was grown so confident of her own just title and the affections of her people as not to be beholden to the Pope for a confirmation,-remains a matter undetermined by our best historians. How it succeeded with this Pope in another project for the reducing of this kingdom under his command, we shall see hereafter. Proceedings of Puritans. 20. But all this while there was no care taken to suppress the practice of another faction, who secretly did as much endeavour the subversion of the English Liturgy, as the Pope seemed willing to confirm it; for whilst the prelates of the Church and the other learned men before remembered bent all their forces toward the confuting of some Popish errors, another enemy appeared, which seemed not openly to aim at the Church's doctrines, but quarrelled rather at some rites and extrinsecals of it. Their purpose was to shew themselves so expert in the art of war as to take in the outworks of religion first, before they levelled their artillery at the fort itself. The schismatics at Franckfort had no sooner heard of Queen Mary's death, but they made what haste they could for England, in hope of fishing better for themselves in a troubled water than a composed and quiet current. Followed not long after by the brethren of the separation which retired from thence unto Geneva; who, having left some few behind to complete their notes upon the Bible', and make up so many of the Psalms in English metre as had been left unfinished by Sternhold and Hopkins, hastened as fast homewards as the others. But notwithstanding all their haste, they came not time enough to effect their purposes, either in reference to the Liturgy or episcopal government; on which the Queen had so resolved, according to her own most excellent judgment, that they were not able to prevail in either project. It grieved them at the heart that their own prayers might not be made the rule of worship in their congregations, and that they might not lord it here in their several parishes, as Calvin did in the Mr Anderson shews (Annals of the English Bible, ii. 320), that Whittingham, Gylby, and Sampson, were the only Englishmen of note who remained at Geneva, and that to them the version is to be attributed. 1560. Presbytery of the Church of Geneva. Some friends they had AN. REG.2, about the Queen, and Calvin was resolved to make use of all his power and credit both with her and Cecil (as appears by his letters unto both1) to advance their ends; and he was seconded therein by Peter Martyr2, who thought his interest in England to be greater than Calvin's, though his name was not so eminent in other places. But the Queen had fixed herself on her resolution of keeping the Church in such outward splendour as might make it every way considerable in the eye of the world; so that they must have faith enough to remove a mountain, before they could have hope enough to draw her to them. When, therefore, they saw the Liturgy imposed by Act of Parliament, and so many episcopal Sees supplied with able pastors, nothing seemed more expedient to them than to revive the quarrels raised in King Edward's time against caps and surplices, and such particulars as had then been questioned in the public Liturgy; and herein they were seconded (as before in King Edward's time), by the same Peter Martyr,33 as appears by his letters to a nameless friend3, bearing date at 305 Zurick, on the fourth of November, 15604, to which he added his dislike in another of his letters to the same friend also, touching the same and other points proposed unto him, that is to say, the cap, the episcopal habit, the patrimony of the Church, the manner of proceeding to be held against Papists, the perambulation used in the Rogation weeks, with many other points of the like condition, in which his judgment was desired". gregations England. 21. But these helps being too far off, and not to be con- Foreign Consulted with upon all inconveniences without a greater loss of admitted into time than could consist with the impatiency of their desires, they fell upon another project, which promised them more hopes of setting up their discipline and decrying the Liturgy 1 The letter to Cecil is in Calv. Epp. p. 133; but although he there speaks of having given advice to the Queen, no letter to her appears in the Collection. 2 Martyr had written to Elizabeth on her accession, Loci Com. 1121— 4; there is no other letter of his to the Queen. 1559. P. Martyr, Loci Comm. 1127. Zurich Letters, ed. 2, p. 65. 5 P. Martyr. 1127-8. Zurich Letters, 84-6. The date is Feb. 1, 1560. 1560. AN. REG.2, than1 quarrels about caps and vestments. Some friends they had about the Court, as before was said, and Gryndal, the new Bishop of London, was known to have a great respect to the name of Calvin. The business, therefore, is so ordered, that by Calvin's letters unto Gryndal2, and the friends they had about the Queen, way should be given to such of the French nation as had repaired hither to enjoy the freedom of their own religion, to have a Church unto themselves, and in that Church not only to erect the Genevian discipline, but to set up a form of Prayer which should hold no conformity with the English Liturgy. They could not but remember those many advantages which John à Lasco and his Church of strangers afforded to the Zuinglian gospellers in the reign of King Edward3, and they despaired not of the like, nor of greater neither, if a French Church were settled upon Calvin's principles, in some part of London. A synagogue had been built for the use of the Jews, anno 1231, not far from the place in which now stands the Hall of the Merchant-Taylors, near the Royal Exchange; but the Jews having removed themselves to some other place, the Christians obtained that it should be dedicated to the blessed Virgin, and by that name was given unto the brotherhood of St Anthony of Vienna by King Henry the Third. After which time, an hospital was there founded by the name of St Anthony, consisting of a master, two priests, one school-master, twelve poor men5; enlarged in the succeeding times by the addition of a fair grammar-school, and other publick buildings for the use of the brethren. It was privileged by King Edward the Fourth to have priests, clerks, scholars, poor men, and brethren of the same, [clerks] or lay-men, choristers, proctors, messengers, servants in household, and other things whatsoever, like unto the prior and covent of St Anthony of Vienna, &c.; and, being privileged, it was annexed to the collegiate chapel of St George of Windsor, under whose patronage it remained, but much impoverished by the fraud Edd. "their." The only letter to Grindal on the subject in the collection of Calvin's Epistles is that of thanks, mentioned in the next paragraph. i.e. Vienne; where the relics of the Egyptian St Anthony were believed to be preserved. See Butler's Lives of the Saints, Jan. 17. 6 Stow. 5 Stow, Survey, 190. |