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was clearly not derived from the for- ologist. Let it be granted that the mula “ regnant,” because we can other- prayer of the Greek text was pure inwise give a good account of its origin ; vention after the model of Polycarp's but it is by no means so clear that the prayer, and the question remains for the formula “regnant" was not derived critic, Is there anything improbable in from an original “ regnante ;” and our the supposition that this version of the suspicion is increased by the fact that martyrs' prayer may have been given though one of the later Latin texts while the event was still recent ? And printed by Robinson bears indirect tes on the whole it seems to us a probable timony to the reading “ regnant” by conclusion that the Greek text represubstituting the interpretation “inter- sents the account of the Scillitan marcedunt pro nobis ad Dominum nostrum tyrdoms which the Carthaginian Church Jesum Christum," the other has no sent at the time to distant Churches. trace at all of that reading.

We come now to the Acts of PerThe influence of Polycarp's martyr- petua, but premise that our judgment dom is to be found also in the words about them must not be biassed by any immediately preceding those we have we may have formed about the Scillitan been discussing, kai úvaneuýúvtwv aútūV TO Acts. The acts now to be considered ww. Mr. Robinson finds in them a are twenty years later, and much may mark of lateness, “sending up the have occurred in the mean time. They amen being a commonplace of mar- embody two documents of surpassing tyrologists.” They are to be found in interest, viz., a history by Perpetua the martyrdom of Polycarp ; whether herself of what had befallen her from or not they are to be found in later the time of her first apprehension until martyrdons is not very relevant. But the day before her martyrdom, and an if the introduction of these words is a account by a fellow-martyr, Saturus, of commonplace with martyrologists, may visions he had seen while in prison. it not be because the fact which they We have to protest against an abuse record was commion ? We know from of language into which Mr. Robinson many sources that there was no more has been led by Mr. Harris, an abuse striking feature of early Christian wor- likely to lead both to critical and chronship than the loud-sounding amen with ological mistakes — namely, the use of which the congregation adopted as their the word Montanist without any eviown the words of the leader of their dence that the persons to whom it is devotions. Who can find anything applied had ever heard of Montanus, incredible in the statement that the merely on the ground that they believed martyrs employed in prayer the last God's Holy Spirit was ever working in few moments while their sentence was his Church, or because they did not being proclaimed by the herald, and hold that the age of miracles had before its actual infliction ? Doubtless passed, and did not regard it as imposmany who could not hear the words of sible that wonders such as had taken their prayer could hear the loud amen place in old time might manifest themwith which the sufferers assented to selves in their own day. If this is the prayer of their chief; and if the Montanism the whole early Church same thing is told of other martyrdoms, was Montanist, and it is not too much may it not be because the same thing to say that the numerical majority of often occurred ? However we may put Christians are Montanist at the present aside the questions whether there is day. Of course there is a great differevidence that the Scillitan martyrs ut- ence between admitting the possibility tered no words beyond the “ Deo gra- of supernatural manifestations and betias” which is all that the Latin text lieving that in a particular case they records ; whether it was impossible for occurred. Many a sober-minded Roany bystander to have heard the actual man Catholic who does not believe that words uttered by Speratus, and to have the Blessed Virgin appeared at Lourdes, furnished them to the Greek martyr- and knows that his Church does not require him to believe it, would yet be Scillitan Acts, and exhibit the individsorry to say that a story of such an ap- uality of a single composer. Yet the pearance might be rejected as in itself document appears to have been intended incredible. Christians in the third cen- for public reading in church, whence tury were as free as Roman Catholics we may conclude that the writer was are now to form their own judgment a presbyter. He claims to have been with respect to alleged miraculous himself a witness of the sufferings manifestations. And a difference of which he records, and he assumes that opinion on such a subject, there being some of his hearers had been so too, no doctrinal difference, would have but others had not ; whence we may been no cause of separation if a ques- conclude that he wrote some little time tion of ritual had not intervened. It after the event, but not very long. We was the insisting, as obligatory on all have reason to suspect that he was not Christians, on fasts and other ordi- without some polemical object in his nauces resting solely on the authority publication ; for whereas the martyrs of Montanist revelations which made relate their visions in simple faitli, the interference of Church authority without any symptom of controversial necessary; and the Roman Church intent, the editor is eager to insist that adopted the judgment of the local his story proves that manifestations of Phrygian Church, which was unfavor- God's spirit might be looked for in his able to the Montanist pretensions. own days as wonderful as anything that After that Montanism became schis- had taken place in older times, or more matic in the West, but it had not been so. It is not unlikely, therefore, that so before.

at the time these acts were published Now it is certain that Perpetua and the Phrygian prophesyings had become Saturus believed that they had them- the subject of discussion in Africa, selves been favored with visions and while at the same time there is no inrevelations ; and it may be presumed dication that belief in them was incomthat if they were told of similar mani-patible with full communion with the festations as exhibiting themselves in Catholic Church. In fact, if these acts a distant part of the Church they had been the production of a schismatwould be well disposed to believe the ical sect they never could have gained story, and so no doubt would be many the reception which was given them in other pious Christians in Africa. And the Catholic Church. We can judge there would be nothing schismatical in from the concluding extract in Eusetheir holding this belief as long as no bius's " Ilistory,” v. 16, what reception contrary decision had been pronounced Catholics would be likely to give to an by the Church. We may count it as account of a Montanist martyrdom. certain that no such decision had been There is no tradition as to the name pronounced at the time of Perpetua's of the editor of these acts, but it could martyrdom. She and her companions not fail to strike many critics that there have always been regarded not as the was in Africa at the time one man of martyrs of a schismatical sect, but as great literary ability holding exactly martyrs of the Church. Not only has the beliefs that these acts express; the tale of their sufferings been ever and so the question has been often an approved part of Christian reading, asked, Was not the writer Tertullian? but the most orthodox Catholies bave This question has been carefully disbeen willing to accept as authentic the cussed by Bonwetsch in his chronoaccounts of visions which these acts logical arrangement of Tertullian's contain.

writings, and he has made a comparison We are not entitled to assume that of Tertullian's phraseology with that the mental attitude of these martyrs of the acts, which Mr. Robinson has was exactly the same as that of the lately extended and strengthened. The editor of their acts, which have less coincidences pointed out by Mr. Rob. the air of a public document than the linson do not amount to a demonstra

‘tion, since it is certain that, whether | from one of the bystanders ? But

Tertullian wrote the acts or not, he though the martyrs are represented as was acquainted with them, and might able to converse with the spectators have been influenced by their language. when they stood at the gate, we should But we can at least acquiesce in Bon- not have supposed that safety of the wetsch's cautiously worded conclusion : spectators from the beasts would have The editor of the “ Acts of Perpetua" made converse possible in other parts cannot be named with absolute cer- of the amphitheatre. Did she get it tainty, but the supposition that it was from her companion Felicitas ? Tertullian has more for it than against We must not omit to notice a very it.

interesting remark of Mr. Robinson's. With regard to the language of the Zahu has cast doubts on the cogency of acts, the Greek words which occur the proofs alleged to show that Terlargely in the “ Visions of Perpetua,” tullian was acquainted with the Latin and in a less degree in that of Saturus, version of the New Testament. Mr. point to a Latin original. It is quite Robinson finds earlier evidence of the intelligible that Perpetua, who could existence of that version. The account speak Greek well, should introduce a of the Lyons martyrdoms of the year few Greek phrases in writing Latin, 177 weaves into the narrative several but if the whole had been written in New Testament texts; and an English Greek these words would have been translation of that account could, withtranslated like the rest. And as for out the least unfaithfulness, give these the editorial framework, though its texts in the words of our authorized agreeing with Tertullian as to the use version. But as a general rule the of the word “viderint” does not de- Greek words of the narrative are not monstrate his authorship, since Tertul- the same as the words of the New Teslian would not have used the phrase if tament, with respect to which critics it had not been current in the circle in have been content to say, “ The writer which he lived, yet the Greek render- is evidently quoting from memory, and ing of it by opuvrai can only be set down has not taken the trouble to refer to the

a piece of unskilful translation. New Testament and copy the exact More use, however, might have been words.” Mr. Robinson's solution we made of the Greek in amending the believe to be new, and on examining Latin text. Thus where Perpetua is the instances we are well disposed to described as fastening up her hair after accede to it: viz., the writer habitually having been tossed by the wild cow, the used a Latin translation, and when, in obscure Latin “ requisita et dispersos writing Greek, he incorporated in his capillos infibulavit” becomes intelligi- story Scripture words, he retranslated ble if, under the guidance of the the familiar phrases which clung to his Greek menthoaoa Behóvnv, we supply a memory, without taking the trouble to dropped out “ fibula” after“ requisita.” refer to the Greek original.

And we We are tempted to ask, where did Per- are disposed still to follow Mr. Robinpetua get the pin, scantily attired as son when he goes on to contend that she was ? Did she, in order to fasten the Latin translation which the Lyons together her torn raiment, take the writer used contained a type of text pin out of her hair, which thereupon conformable to that which we know to dropped down ? or dil she ask for it have been afterwards current in the 1 With regard to one objection urged against it,

same district. we feel that we cannot with candor maintain that V. What we have next to speak of Tertullian, in referring to these acts (De Anima, perhaps does not come properly under 55), has been guilty of no lapse of memory. such a lapse seems to us quite compatible with his the head of finds of the last five years, authorship. We ourselves believe that Tertullian's for it is not so much a new discovery as literary activity continued longer than is generally a utilization of what had already been supposed, and the “ De Anima,” which was one of known to exist ; 2 yet we do not think his later works, may be separated by a considerable interval from the death of Perpetua.



2 The existence of the new sources of which we

we can properly leave it unmentioned. I because Eusebius, being an admirer of At the close of our former article we Origen, resented the attacks made on remarked how much our knowledge that writer by Methodius. The breakhas gained through the missionary exer- ing out of the Arian controversy shortly tions by which the Church has been after the death of Methodius was a made to embrace men " of all nations cause why less interest was felt in his and kindreds and peoples and tongues.” works, which, if they bore at all on that “ From this wide diffusion of Chris- controversy, might be supposed to favor tianity,” we said, “ it has resulted that the wrong side, and accordingly only what has been lost in one place has one work of his has been preserved in been preserved in another; and we Greek entire. Bonwetsch has now enhave seen how from these different abled us to fill gaps in our knowledge tongues Greek, Latin, Syriac, Ar- of other works of his of which we premenian, Coptic — united testimony is viously had had only extracts. Two borne to the history of the progress of may be here mentioned. The one, a that kingdom in which all nations are dialogue on “Free-Will," presents us one."

To the languages here enu- with a difficult problem. A large pormerated we have

to add Sclavonic, tion of it is incorporated in a dialogue which is now made to yield its contri- against heresies, which bears the name butions to our knowledge of Christian of Adamantius as its author, by which antiquity. Bonwetsch while professor it was at one time supposed Origen was at Dorpat turned his residence in Rus- intended. Now that it is recognized sia to account by cultivating the Scla- that this was a mistake, there is no vonic language ; and though he speaks difficulty in owning that Adamantius, modestly of his proficiency in it we whoever he was, was later than Methomust be grateful to him for the use he dius, and copied him. But the puzzle has made of it in making other Euro- is that Eusebius in his “Præparatio pean nations acquainted with some Evangelica” incorporates also the same thinys only preserved in that tongue. large section of the work on “FreeAbout a year ago he published, through Will,” ascribing it to a Church writer, the assistance of the Sclavonic transla- Maximus, whom in his “ Ecclesiastical tion, a new edition of the works of History" he places just before the end Methodius, a writer of considerable of the second century, but of whom reputation in his own day, and yet of nothing else is known. We do not whom our knowledge is strangely de- question the good faith of Eusebius in fective. We are made to feel how this statement, but it seems certain much we owe to Eusebius by finding that he made a mistake, however how embarrassed we are when he fails we are to account for it. Internal to give us information. Methodius was evidence clearly shows, as Zahn has a man of great influence in his own pointed out, that the passage which day, and his works are highly spoken Eusebius ascribes to the so-called Maxof by Jerome, Epiphanius, and a host imus is but an extract from the diaof other writers. He has even the rep- logue of Methodius. The beginning of utation of having closed his career by the extract given by Eusebius cannot martyrdom about a dozen years before be separated from that which precedes the publication of the “ Ecclesiastical it in the dialogue of Methodius, and the History" of Eusebius ; yet in that work opening of that dialogue bears plain he is not once mentioned. Guesses marks of the hand of Methodius. have been made as to the cause of this The second work, on the “Resurrecstrange silence, one being that it was tion," had a very wide circulation. are about to speak became known to Cardinal From the part now brought to our Pitra on a visit which he paid to Russia, the news knowledge we get two interesting pieces of which he published in the third volume of his of information. (1) An extract from “ Analecta," 1883.

Justin Martyr which it contains shows, 1 Methodius von Olympus. Bonwetsch, Erlangen und Leipzig, 1891.

in opposition to some modern specu

Von G. Nathanael

lations, that Justin knew St. Paul's | Methodius is a homily on the Feast of epistles, and regarded them as author- the Purification. We have no inclinaitative. (2) Uncertainty is removed as tion to dispute the reasons given by to the see of which Methodius was Tillemont for believing this work to be bishop. All the ancient authorities spurious ; but one argument alleged speak of him as Bishop of Olympus in against it has now broken down. It Lycia ; Jerome stands absolutely alone was said that this feast, called Hypin saying that he afterwards became apante because commemorating the Bishop of Tyre ; but, though Cave and meeting with Simeon and Anna, was many others, in deference to this au- not introduced until the sixth century, thority, speak of him as “Methodius of in the reign of the Emperor Justinian. Tyre,” it is now generally recognized We have evidence now that it was celethat Jerome made a mistake, due to the brated as early as the fourth century. habitual rapidity with which he did his In the year 1887 Gamurrini, the libraliterary work. It is intensely improb- rian of a lay brotherhood in Arezzo in able that Tyre should provide itself Tuscany, published the contents of a with a bishop by translation from the manuscript volume, one of the chief distant Lycia, and it is so hard to find a treasures of his library, viz., a portion place for Methodius in the succession of the lost treatise of St. Hilary of of Tyrian bishops that, if it is ever pos- Poitiers “ De Mysteriis,” two hymns, sible to deduce from silence a proof of and an account of a journey to the a negative, we can be certain that he Holy Land by a female pilgrim in the has no rightful place there. Zahn has fourth century. The treatise of Hilary found evidence from Strabo that Olym- furnishes a valuable contribution to pus in Lycia also bore the name of Pol- our knowledge of the old Latin version vekoūs, and he plausibly conjectures that of the Bible. The narrative of the Jerome came to make Methodius a pilgrimage, besides much other interPhoenician bishop from having hastily esting topographical and liturgical inread a description of him as ’Ohúlentov tìs formation, records that this Feast of the Λυκίας του και Φοινικούντος επίσκοπος. Later Purification was then yearly celebrated writers, however, call Methodius bishop, at Jerusalem. Internal evidence fixes not of Olympus or of Tyre, but of Pa- the date of the pilgrimage to be between tara. This place was also in Lycia, but 381 and 388. On the one hand Nisibis at such a distance from Olympus that was then in the power of the Persians, Le Quien’s conjecture that he simulta- into whose hands it passed in 363 ; and neously held both sees may be dis- as the Catholic bishops appear to have missed as geographically impossible. been in possession of their sees, and The newly recovered opening of the not to be suffering from Arian persecuwork on the “ Resurrection” gives us tion, it is concluded that the time was the solution of the difficulty. Metho- after the death of Valens in 378. On dius was an admirer of Plato, and all the other hand, the then Bishop of his best-known works are framed on Edessa is spoken of as a confessor ; and the model of the Platonic dialogues. this could scarcely refer to anything but In this work on the “ Resurrection," an incident of the Arian persecution which was the most widely circulated under Valens ; but Eulogius, the last of his dialogues, the scene is laid at bishop who could be described as conPatara, which accordingly was taken to fessor, died in 388. Other proofs need be his place of abode, although a more not be here enumerated ; but it may be careful reading would have shown that noted that the writer takes all her nuthe narrator represents himself as a merous Scripture quotations from the visitor at Patara, not a resident. We old Latin and appears to be ignorant of must not linger longer on Methodius, Jerome's Vulgate. After the determithough we may connect with him the nation of the date comes the question find which we have next to mention. who this pilgrim was, She appears to

VI. Among the works ascribed to I have been the head of a sisterhood, for

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